- Series
- Comment on a minority
- Air Date
- 1960-01-01
- Duration
- 00:29:16
- Episode Description
- This program features an interview with Edward Howden, focusing on the position of African Americans in the San Francisco area.
- Series Description
- This series explores minority issues in the United States in the mid-20th century.
- Subject(s)
- Creator(s)
- WBAA (Radio station : West Lafayette, Ind.) (Producer)Purdue University (Producer)Richter, E.W. (Producer)Richter, E.W. (Interviewer)
- Contributors
- Howden, Edward (Guest)
- Genre(s)
- Geographic Region(s)
- regions
- Time Period
- 1951-1960
[00:06 - 00:10]
Among the larger groups those from Japan from China
[00:10 - 00:16]
and most recently of course in terms of large scale migration and Negro
[00:16 - 00:19]
Americans from the south.
[00:19 - 00:24]
The police you hear earlier migration would crowd company formerly director and even carry to
[00:24 - 00:28]
school councils and unit courage but under the present executive director of the U.S. Consumer
[00:28 - 00:33]
Commission on employment opportunity force and courage in today's comments on
[00:33 - 00:38]
minority those Mr Howden discusses this omission of the negro in the same place as
[00:38 - 00:43]
gray area with particular emphasis on housing or albums as Disney's comments are
[00:43 - 00:47]
part of a longer interview recorded in history how he jams his caucus I made my own
[00:47 - 00:52]
producers made a point ration of California took place in World War 2 rather
[00:52 - 00:57]
than in World War 1 and it's in that connection that the San
[00:57 - 00:59]
Francisco Bay area.
[00:59 - 01:03]
Experienced its first really large scale in migration of Negro
[01:03 - 01:08]
Americans roughly coinciding with World War Two and of course a migration
[01:08 - 01:13]
continuing sense. We should add of course that this migration.
[01:13 - 01:18]
Is not only of Negro Americans but of white Americans from all parts of the country as
[01:18 - 01:23]
well. And we might recall that back in the 30s
[01:23 - 01:28]
there had been very substantial migrations to California of so-called
[01:28 - 01:31]
dustbowl white Americans from down in the border south states
[01:31 - 01:37]
so that this is this this western seaboard seems to be
[01:37 - 01:42]
still a target for substantial migration.
[01:42 - 01:46]
Well to give us an idea perhaps of the. Relative importance of Negro and
[01:46 - 01:51]
migration here. Could you tell us approximately what percentage
[01:51 - 01:57]
of the population in the Bay Area or in San Francisco whichever figure you
[01:57 - 02:01]
happen to have. Was negro prior to 1940. And what percentage
[02:01 - 02:04]
is Negro at this point.
[02:04 - 02:08]
Taking San Francisco proper The percentage of Negro population prior to
[02:08 - 02:13]
1040 was was well under 1 percent. In fact the
[02:13 - 02:17]
1940 census revealed approximately forty two
[02:17 - 02:22]
hundred negroes in all of San Francisco out of a total population of about three quarters of a
[02:22 - 02:27]
million in one thousand fifty the Negro population had reached about forty three thousand.
[02:27 - 02:32]
In San Francisco proper. Today the estimates range between 50 and
[02:32 - 02:37]
60000. This means that along with Chinese-American Japanese-American
[02:37 - 02:41]
and other so-called nonwhite groups in the population that San
[02:41 - 02:46]
Francisco's total so-called nonwhite population is about a tenth of
[02:46 - 02:51]
the city as a whole our total population today is about 850
[02:51 - 02:55]
to 900000 in the city proper. Now the San Francisco Oakland Bay
[02:55 - 03:00]
Area the metropolitan region which variously is defined as
[03:00 - 03:05]
six counties or nine counties depending on how far you reach total population there is about
[03:05 - 03:10]
3 million. And I think about the same nonwhite population ratios
[03:10 - 03:11]
obtain.
[03:11 - 03:16]
Well here we have a situation in San Francisco and according to what I heard in
[03:16 - 03:21]
Los Angeles as well where the. Numbers of negroes in the
[03:21 - 03:25]
area have swelled tremendously over the last 20 years that 20 years ago there was no
[03:25 - 03:30]
such thing as quote a race problem and quote whereas
[03:30 - 03:34]
now there is has been this tremendous migration
[03:34 - 03:41]
carrying with it I assume a number of problems. Would you like to define
[03:41 - 03:44]
these problems.
[03:44 - 03:49]
Let me go back one step first if I may I would disagree. As to whether
[03:49 - 03:53]
there was a race problem before I think. The matter of
[03:53 - 03:58]
size of population. Size of migration and so
[03:58 - 04:02]
on does not really mean that qualitatively The problem is
[04:02 - 04:06]
too much different really.
[04:06 - 04:11]
Contributes it really means merely that this is more
[04:11 - 04:16]
newsworthy that it comes to public attention that the
[04:16 - 04:20]
through the sheer magnitude of one's awareness of a
[04:20 - 04:25]
definably or apparently different group. That some problems
[04:25 - 04:30]
arise in the community. Perhaps I should qualify that a little bit further.
[04:30 - 04:34]
It is true that qualitatively sometimes tensions
[04:34 - 04:39]
difficulties between groups can become more intense as numbers increase
[04:39 - 04:44]
because fears of some groups have become more intense and so on in that sense there is a
[04:44 - 04:48]
relation between quality and quantity. But even the very small negro groups
[04:48 - 04:53]
are populations in the San Francisco Bay area prior to World War 2.
[04:53 - 04:59]
Experienced discriminatory treatment the question was whether that treatment
[04:59 - 05:04]
was as it was something that people. Felt they had to adjust
[05:04 - 05:09]
to and had to accept in those years past. Where
[05:09 - 05:14]
expectations as to how Americans are to be treated today have changed somewhat.
[05:14 - 05:19]
It's been my understanding that the people of San Francisco and the Bay Area consider themselves shall
[05:19 - 05:24]
we say more progressive than people in other parts of the country as
[05:24 - 05:28]
that's been reflected at all in the position of a minority
[05:28 - 05:33]
personality. And San Francisco is the
[05:33 - 05:38]
Negro is a better off in San Francisco than he would be in other areas.
[05:38 - 05:42]
Well of course there are lots of other areas I have heard negro
[05:42 - 05:46]
friends say in recent years here that
[05:46 - 05:52]
San Francisco and New York perhaps even more San
[05:52 - 05:57]
Francisco is a place in which the atmosphere is pretty good. I had Miss fear
[05:57 - 06:01]
as I suppose sufficiently undefinable that it's a pretty safe statement to make but I think it does have
[06:01 - 06:06]
some meaning. I think that. Attitudes as
[06:06 - 06:11]
to the way people regard each other let's say in public places on
[06:11 - 06:15]
buses and restaurants and hotels and so on the
[06:15 - 06:20]
slightly intangible sense of human relationships as
[06:20 - 06:25]
commonly observable in everyday life is one of a
[06:25 - 06:30]
reasonable absence of tension reasonable presence of
[06:30 - 06:35]
fairly decent relationships. Now this certainly on the affirmative
[06:35 - 06:40]
and positive side and not as something to be terribly proud
[06:40 - 06:45]
of but as something which should of course be be the normal in any city.
[06:45 - 06:49]
Now this is not to say however that when you get down to the brass tacks of
[06:49 - 06:53]
problems of employment opportunity.
[06:53 - 06:57]
Of what happens in private housing neighborhoods in new
[06:57 - 07:02]
housing tracts in the financing or are attempting to arrange
[07:02 - 07:07]
financing of a home. To say that the atmosphere is good unfortunately
[07:07 - 07:12]
does not mean that practices in matters such as employment
[07:12 - 07:17]
and housing are all straightened out and are equally good.
[07:17 - 07:19]
Would you care to list for us.
[07:19 - 07:24]
Perhaps in order of priority the problems
[07:24 - 07:30]
and race relations that exists in this area.
[07:30 - 07:35]
Well for many years and still today employment and housing are at the
[07:35 - 07:40]
top and I really wouldn't want to say which is the
[07:40 - 07:44]
more serious or more important it really wouldn't mean very much because
[07:44 - 07:48]
one could spend several hours analyzing
[07:48 - 07:54]
and describing the range of issues and problems remaining in
[07:54 - 07:59]
employment on the one hand and in housing on the other.
[07:59 - 08:04]
These have long been the focus of I think most agencies working in race
[08:04 - 08:09]
relations these two areas. I suppose basically on the theory
[08:09 - 08:13]
that when. Inequalities are eventually
[08:13 - 08:17]
erased in these two fields and when people can.
[08:17 - 08:22]
Associate with each other more or less normally and have equal opportunity
[08:22 - 08:27]
in these matters. That a good deal of the so-called
[08:27 - 08:32]
prejudice a good deal of the tensions and worries and fears that the dominant white
[08:32 - 08:37]
groups and in our citizenry seem to feel about minority groups that
[08:37 - 08:42]
these will gradually dissipate gradually go away.
[08:42 - 08:47]
Many of these fears have to do with specific things such as what's going to
[08:47 - 08:52]
happen to my property values of a Negro family moves in down the street and so on while when a
[08:52 - 08:57]
family has moved in. And when people have acted sensibly and haven't
[08:57 - 09:02]
allowed themselves to be panicked by some unscrupulous broker seeking
[09:02 - 09:06]
only commissions and all the multiplication and multiplication of them.
[09:06 - 09:13]
Then one realizes that there wasn't so much to be afraid of in the first place.
[09:13 - 09:18]
When the kids get along wonderfully well and and this family turns out to be
[09:18 - 09:23]
really quite a fine group of people after all and and so on.
[09:23 - 09:28]
One more erase share of unwarranted fears and anxieties it seems to me
[09:28 - 09:32]
have has taken place and in a sense working on
[09:32 - 09:37]
discrimination is also working on prejudice.
[09:37 - 09:41]
Very often I think people get a little confused as to the relation between
[09:41 - 09:46]
discrimination and fail to distinguish between the overt acts of discrimination in which
[09:46 - 09:51]
many people are caught up without particularly being prejudiced individuals. And I
[09:51 - 09:56]
think to just to to assume uncritically that all discrimination is the product of
[09:56 - 10:01]
prejudice is it is so badly to miscalculate the nature of the problem that
[10:01 - 10:07]
people sometimes feel very pessimistic about the ways of getting solutions.
[10:07 - 10:12]
And actually many substantial changes in overcoming
[10:12 - 10:16]
discriminatory practices have occurred in this country under the pressure of law under the
[10:16 - 10:21]
pressure of gradually changing practice in a given industry in a given
[10:21 - 10:26]
economic sphere in in social life generally and so
[10:26 - 10:26]
on.
[10:26 - 10:35]
What are the biggest stumbling blocks and you
[10:35 - 10:40]
cheated in the achievement of equal housing opportunities for minority
[10:40 - 10:44]
groups in the Negro in particular. Well.
[10:44 - 10:48]
I think we can say that there are certain rather institutionalized
[10:48 - 10:53]
practices in the housing industry and here we're speaking of the private housing
[10:53 - 10:58]
industry government and government connected.
[10:58 - 11:03]
Housing having been largely straightened out in this matter up to this point.
[11:03 - 11:08]
But there are certain institutionalized practices in private housing which still
[11:08 - 11:13]
constitute big barriers these in in quick general summary form
[11:13 - 11:19]
are as follows. The practices of most real estate brokers.
[11:19 - 11:24]
These practices consisting. Mainly of either refusing or
[11:24 - 11:28]
certainly heavily discouraging. The sale of homes to
[11:28 - 11:33]
otherwise qualified buyers. Who are
[11:33 - 11:38]
nonwhite. And who are attempting to buy a home in a neighborhood that is
[11:38 - 11:43]
still all white. Now as a generalization and fortunately there are some
[11:43 - 11:47]
exceptions. Real estate brokers certainly in the San Francisco Bay area
[11:47 - 11:53]
certainly in California generally and I guess in much of the rest of the nation.
[11:53 - 11:58]
Are reluctant or outright unwilling and refusing to
[11:58 - 12:04]
sell in a block which is still white to a nonwhite family.
[12:04 - 12:09]
Now there is some difference in San Francisco proper perhaps in other parts of the Bay Area
[12:09 - 12:15]
as between Negro and Oriental buyers in this respect not a
[12:15 - 12:20]
not a real difference I mean but in the way they are treated by real estate brokers.
[12:20 - 12:24]
The resistance is much heavier. Still today two negroes.
[12:24 - 12:29]
And. Oriental families may buy with reasonable
[12:29 - 12:33]
freedom. In most neighborhoods in San Francisco today.
[12:33 - 12:40]
There may be exceptions or maybe some sellers who will not do this but
[12:40 - 12:44]
it is hardly a matter of note. And the longer you stay any longer the
[12:44 - 12:49]
syndicate and the changing pattern. Definitely I would say that 10
[12:49 - 12:54]
15 and certainly 20 years ago this was phatic only not the case in
[12:54 - 12:58]
fact the resistance to a Chinese American or Japanese American family coming into an
[12:58 - 13:04]
all Caucasian neighborhood was just as strong or perhaps even stronger
[13:04 - 13:06]
than today.
[13:06 - 13:10]
The resistance against Negro families coming in so this certainly does indicate
[13:10 - 13:16]
that Caucasians can get adjusted to
[13:16 - 13:21]
somewhat differing practices and that real estate brokers can get adjusted to somewhat
[13:21 - 13:26]
differing practices some of the same brokers who 15 years ago were saying it will ruin the neighborhood.
[13:26 - 13:31]
This Chinese-American family comes in here today saying the same thing about Negroes but
[13:31 - 13:36]
are selling quite freely to Chinese. Now
[13:36 - 13:41]
these are I'm not stating. Facts or I'm not stating what I
[13:41 - 13:45]
believe to be the true case as to what will happen and neighborhoods I'm merely stating what the
[13:45 - 13:50]
practices are in this case of real estate brokers. A second kind of
[13:50 - 13:55]
barrier of course has to do with what individual sellers
[13:55 - 14:00]
will do. Perhaps I should have mentioned this first. Most real estate brokers when you
[14:00 - 14:04]
question them about their practices will say we don't decide this this is
[14:04 - 14:09]
entirely up to the seller of a home whether he be a home builder or a homeowner who
[14:09 - 14:14]
is reselling his home. This of course does apply to some
[14:14 - 14:18]
individual sellers under pressure from neighbors on your figures or for
[14:18 - 14:23]
outright prejudicial reasons will refuse to sell to
[14:23 - 14:26]
non-whites and will so instruct their brokers.
[14:26 - 14:32]
The quarrel of many of us working in intergroup relations the quarrel with the real estate brokers is
[14:32 - 14:36]
that they tend to support this practice and tend to encourage it.
[14:36 - 14:41]
Generally speaking if a seller doesn't raise the question they may raise it for
[14:41 - 14:42]
him.
[14:42 - 14:46]
And there is we're afraid in many cases a kind of a
[14:46 - 14:52]
of an a coming between the seller and the buyer with some
[14:52 - 14:57]
discriminatory ideas and that's coming between happens unfortunately often on the part of the broker.
[14:57 - 15:02]
Now another big area of. Resistance or kind of barrier
[15:02 - 15:07]
has to do with home financing. Generally speaking the nonwhite has a lot more
[15:07 - 15:13]
trouble getting a good loan on the home he wants to buy.
[15:13 - 15:17]
Even despite his financial qualifications despite his educational cultural
[15:17 - 15:21]
status despite his established position in the community
[15:21 - 15:27]
he may have great trouble getting conventional financing or getting
[15:27 - 15:33]
FHA type financing which means on better terms and
[15:33 - 15:37]
therefore at a lower cost to him over a long period or which actually might make the
[15:37 - 15:42]
difference between his being able to buy the home or not. Because on the size of the loan you can get when you buy a
[15:42 - 15:47]
home of course. May determine whether you can get it at all. If you're
[15:47 - 15:52]
down if you have about the average amount of down payment that the next guy happens to have and therefore you
[15:52 - 15:57]
need a loan of a certain size if you're going to make a purchase. If you can't get that sized loan.
[15:57 - 16:03]
If the bank will offer you a loan but only half that size then it may mean that you just can't buy period.
[16:03 - 16:07]
So financing is still a very serious problem. The
[16:07 - 16:12]
other sort of problem has to do with the practices of large
[16:12 - 16:17]
tract builders home builders. Generally speaking and.
[16:17 - 16:22]
Unfortunately with notable exceptions such as Mr Eichler with whom I understand you
[16:22 - 16:28]
you are having some conversations while in this area with an exception or two
[16:28 - 16:33]
like that homebuilders generally are not yet selling to Negro families. Some in
[16:33 - 16:38]
this area are selling to Oriental families but not to negroes.
[16:38 - 16:43]
And this is the homebuilders own decision as to what is in his
[16:43 - 16:48]
best business interest. Rightly or wrongly conceived and this is still
[16:48 - 16:51]
the kind of race barrier that he throws up.
[16:51 - 16:56]
Now these are among the main barriers yet remaining as we see it in the
[16:56 - 17:01]
private housing field with respect to minority group families seeking decent homes and
[17:01 - 17:02]
safe neighborhoods.
[17:02 - 17:06]
What is the housing picture of a minority groups here.
[17:06 - 17:11]
Again with specific reference to the negro It's
[17:11 - 17:16]
as in many aspects of race relations it's a mixed up picture
[17:16 - 17:21]
without any particularly rational or clear or consistent patterns. By that I
[17:21 - 17:25]
mean there is a good deal of what you might call normal
[17:25 - 17:30]
scatter or distribution of nonwhite families not only in
[17:30 - 17:35]
around different districts of San Francisco but in the San Francisco Bay area generally
[17:35 - 17:40]
communities of Oakland Berkeley Orange County down the peninsula San Mateo
[17:40 - 17:45]
Alto and so on. There's a lot of integration in neighborhoods in other words
[17:45 - 17:49]
racial integration. And this it seems to us makes it all the more ironic
[17:49 - 17:54]
that there are still the hold out areas that there are still. Other
[17:54 - 17:59]
districts in which brokers will resist selling homes in which
[17:59 - 18:04]
financing is particularly difficult and so on. I
[18:04 - 18:08]
think it's fairly clear that those who are still battling for
[18:08 - 18:13]
housing segregation are fighting a losing battle I don't think there's any serious
[18:13 - 18:18]
question about that either locally or nationally. If this is the
[18:18 - 18:22]
case one may ask what is the sense
[18:22 - 18:28]
in. Engendering betterness engendering tensions
[18:28 - 18:33]
that result when you continue to discriminate against people when they know what their rights are and
[18:33 - 18:38]
when the trend of history is quite clear on this matter.
[18:38 - 18:43]
Why is such a delaying action fought. Well as really as sort of a
[18:43 - 18:48]
rhetorical question I I don't know. It's awfully hard except perhaps in terms of
[18:48 - 18:53]
the sheer inertia of human institutions that the housing industry in this
[18:53 - 18:58]
case as a human institution is hanging on to old practices
[18:58 - 19:03]
long past the time when it has been clearly demonstrated. That people can
[19:03 - 19:08]
get along perfectly well together and that can be sustained property or
[19:08 - 19:13]
otherwise and so on without. These discriminatory
[19:13 - 19:14]
practices.
[19:14 - 19:19]
Well in other parts of the country as Negro populations in urban areas grow.
[19:19 - 19:26]
Originally there was perhaps just one neighborhood to which negroes were restricted Well these neighborhoods
[19:26 - 19:31]
finally burst from the seaman's and well-to-do Negroes for example
[19:31 - 19:36]
might take over a better area so that you wound up with pockets
[19:36 - 19:42]
of Negro housing as this pocket's system
[19:42 - 19:44]
working here as well.
[19:44 - 19:49]
Let's not say as well. Well I mean we're not as well I meant also.
[19:49 - 19:54]
I understand there is some of that practice I could show
[19:54 - 19:59]
you one block in San Francisco of quite expensive homes which over
[19:59 - 20:04]
just about the last four or five years has become very substantially
[20:04 - 20:09]
Negro in occupancy and just that one block. This is no
[20:09 - 20:13]
accident. What happens is not that the Negro families
[20:13 - 20:18]
seek to establish a pattern of that sort. Not that they wish to live
[20:18 - 20:23]
all together in one block more or less of an to themselves
[20:23 - 20:29]
but that when one sale has taken place then according to this curious
[20:29 - 20:33]
real estate code the block is open. And then
[20:33 - 20:39]
some brokers I'm not saying that all do this by any means but some will go in and try to
[20:39 - 20:44]
promote more sales to negroes in that one block or maybe.
[20:44 - 20:49]
A couple of blocks or what have U.S. and hence the pocket develops because you have a backlog of
[20:49 - 20:54]
Negro families reasonably good economic status who want a decent
[20:54 - 20:59]
home and they want it now they don't want a war they don't need it 10 years from now nearly so badly they want it now
[20:59 - 21:03]
while their children are young and while they have a safe and attractive neighborhood means a great
[21:03 - 21:08]
deal to them. So if they are barred elsewhere and if suddenly that
[21:08 - 21:13]
block becomes open under these curious real estate codes then even though they may not
[21:13 - 21:17]
like it particularly they may not like all of its racial implications and so on and
[21:17 - 21:22]
segregation implications. They may reluctantly make that
[21:22 - 21:27]
kind of choice now we have a few such pockets but fortunately not too many. There are lots and
[21:27 - 21:32]
lots of situations general districts of San Francisco and of Oakland where you have one or
[21:32 - 21:37]
maybe two negro or adult families have been some studies of these neighborhoods as to neighborhood
[21:37 - 21:42]
reaction on the part of the whites and on the whole it's been a very favorable situation.
[21:42 - 21:48]
What do you have anything else you want to say about this housing situation.
[21:48 - 21:52]
QUESTION Well at the at the level of generalization I think that does it except perhaps to
[21:52 - 21:58]
touch quickly on the property value question which is one that I guess disturbs
[21:58 - 22:03]
people all around the country. We happen to have right here in the Bay Area Two
[22:03 - 22:08]
men who one in particular who has done I think the most comprehensive and definitive
[22:08 - 22:12]
studies of what actually happens to resale
[22:12 - 22:17]
values of single family residences when whites come into a
[22:17 - 22:22]
neighborhood the most comprehensive such study you've done anywhere in the country.
[22:22 - 22:27]
Dr. Luigi Laurenti. Who. In the course of his work for
[22:27 - 22:32]
his doctorate in economics at the University of California and partly in connection with his work
[22:32 - 22:37]
with the Commission on race and housing whose studies are to be out very shortly now.
[22:37 - 22:42]
Dr. Tiller already studied a number of neighborhoods in San Francisco in
[22:42 - 22:47]
Oakland and then in order not to be limited just to this region of the country in Philadelphia
[22:47 - 22:52]
in which some degree either very heavy or very light but some degree of
[22:52 - 22:57]
nonwhite movin had taken place. What then happened
[22:57 - 23:02]
after this move in to the actual prices at which
[23:02 - 23:06]
properties single family dwelling was sold very
[23:06 - 23:11]
scientifically compared to these. Neighborhoods that were partially
[23:11 - 23:16]
racially mixed with comparable neighborhoods physically comparable
[23:16 - 23:21]
neighborhoods which were still all white and this is the basic pattern of a study
[23:21 - 23:25]
comparing the price behavior you see in the racially mixed areas
[23:25 - 23:30]
with that of comparable housing in the still all white
[23:30 - 23:35]
neighborhoods and Iranis findings I can take time to detail
[23:35 - 23:40]
are that price is not adversely
[23:40 - 23:45]
affected in the great majority of cases in something over
[23:45 - 23:50]
85 percent. As I recall of all the
[23:50 - 23:54]
transactions which he studied in all of these different areas.
[23:54 - 24:00]
There was either no adverse effect. Or there was
[24:00 - 24:03]
actually a a higher price
[24:03 - 24:09]
resulting in the racially mixed neighborhood than in the
[24:09 - 24:13]
unmixed. Now they the remaining problem you might
[24:13 - 24:18]
say and the thing that people tend to worry about most perhaps.
[24:18 - 24:23]
Is whether a neighborhood is going to tend to go all minority once it starts is
[24:23 - 24:28]
this a necessary inevitable consequence of the beginning
[24:28 - 24:33]
of racial integration in a neighborhood. Does one Negro family mean at five
[24:33 - 24:38]
years or six years or eight years from now. It's going to be an all negro neighborhood. I
[24:38 - 24:43]
point out that this is not in the hands of Negro families or negro communities so-called.
[24:43 - 24:47]
The decision as to what happens here is it is primarily in the hands of the housing industry and of
[24:47 - 24:52]
homeowners themselves. If they elect a number of them to
[24:52 - 24:57]
panic and unload their properties quickly they can very quickly bring about a nonwhite
[24:57 - 25:02]
neighborhood. If they like their homes in their neighborhood its location its physical
[25:02 - 25:06]
condition and so on. And if they are not prejudiced and racist Glee minded
[25:06 - 25:11]
individuals. They might just get together and decide to stay put. Welcome
[25:11 - 25:16]
the negro neighbor or neighbors who come along in the normal course of events but not
[25:16 - 25:21]
act with an abnormal economic or racial motivation.
[25:21 - 25:25]
And if they resist what tendencies there may be on the part of White real estate men
[25:25 - 25:31]
and other elements in the housing industry to begin to funnel.
[25:31 - 25:36]
Negro business just into that neighborhood and into a few others then this won't happen.
[25:36 - 25:40]
This is a choice that is in the hands of sensually of white people not negroes.
[25:40 - 25:44]
Let's leave the matter of housing and turn to the matter of employment in the Bay region.
[25:44 - 25:51]
California doesn't yet have as do many other states. A state wide Fair
[25:51 - 25:56]
Employment Practices Act. Only San Francisco and down at the lower end of the Central Valley
[25:56 - 26:02]
the city of Bakersfield have so far unacted such legislation.
[26:02 - 26:07]
This means I am afraid that the that California is slipping
[26:07 - 26:11]
behind the general trend of many other northern and
[26:11 - 26:16]
western states at any rate toward a kind of a
[26:16 - 26:20]
normal employment integration where people are really taken on merit.
[26:20 - 26:25]
Washington Oregon on the Pacific Coast New Mexico and Colorado
[26:25 - 26:30]
elsewhere in the West have had fair employment statutes for some time and of course it's an old story
[26:30 - 26:33]
and in on the East Coast New York and many other states.
[26:33 - 26:39]
In San Francisco we are very happy that we have the opportunity
[26:39 - 26:44]
to show what can be accomplished under such
[26:44 - 26:50]
legislation. One of the. It seems to me one of the.
[26:50 - 26:56]
Basic long term values of fair employment legislation.
[26:56 - 27:01]
Is that it makes it easier for the fair minded employer.
[27:01 - 27:06]
Or they reverting to our earlier terminology the non prejudiced individual among
[27:06 - 27:11]
employers. To begin to have his practice conform to his private
[27:11 - 27:15]
views. To feel freer. To hire
[27:15 - 27:20]
people according to performance abilities and so on as he sees it in competition with other
[27:20 - 27:25]
employers and so on. Another basic value as I see it and a very
[27:25 - 27:31]
very great need. I think all across our country today.
[27:31 - 27:35]
Is to. Continue to provide incentives
[27:35 - 27:40]
for all you and particularly for minority group you.
[27:40 - 27:45]
To. Make the extra effort to get the training that they need
[27:45 - 27:50]
as individuals in order to be able to qualify for technical and
[27:50 - 27:55]
skilled and professional jobs in our society in the
[27:55 - 27:55]
future.
[27:55 - 28:00]
In other words in the past the pattern has been that a nonwhite had difficulty in securing
[28:00 - 28:05]
higher level jobs and as a consequence the youngster asked himself the question what's the
[28:05 - 28:10]
use of training for the vicious circle of discrimination
[28:10 - 28:11]
in employment.
[28:11 - 28:16]
Defeatism of attitude on the part of parents and youth and so on
[28:16 - 28:21]
is something that's going to take a long time to crack into. And I don't see fair employment
[28:21 - 28:25]
legislation as a panacea by any means I think it's simply one of the
[28:25 - 28:31]
indispensable instruments that any up to date community or state
[28:31 - 28:35]
auto equip itself with in order to help do this job.
[28:35 - 28:39]
Thank you Mr Edward Houghton.
[28:39 - 28:43]
You have been listening to comments on a minority presenting today Mr. Edward Houghton executive
[28:43 - 28:48]
director of the San Francisco commission on equal employment opportunities. His comments were
[28:48 - 28:53]
taken from a longer interview recorded in San Francisco by E.W. Richter in connection with the
[28:53 - 28:57]
last US citizen a series of programme produced underground in aid from the National
[28:57 - 29:00]
Educational Television and Radio center.
[29:00 - 29:05]
Our guest next week Mr. John Burroughs executive secretary of the county of Los Angeles Committee on Human
[29:05 - 29:06]
Relations.
[29:06 - 29:11]
His subject the position of the negro and his unusual city comments on a minority
[29:11 - 29:15]
has produced and recorded by radio station WB A Purdue University.
[29:15 - 29:20]
This is the end E.B. Radio Network.
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