This file was prepared for electronic distribution by the inforM staff. Questions or comments should be directed to inform-editor@umail.umd.edu. Chapter 4 THE INCIDENCE AND PREVALENCE OF SEXUAL HARASSMENT IN WORKPLACES AND EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS Virtually every study of the incidence of sexual harassment in workplaces and educational institutions, as well as the information gathered by the Task Force in the course of its work, demonstrate conclusively that sexual harassment is prevalent in our society. Although generalizations are difficult given the differing methodologies and samples used in the numerous studies that have been conducted over the years, the most consistent estimate is that one out of every two women will be sexually harassed at some point during her academic or working life. (1) Research suggests that although some forms of sexual harassment are more frequent than others, none are rare, and the experience of sexual harassment is virtually an expected event in most women's lives. (2) SEXUAL HARASSMENT IN THE WORKPLACE The first known survey of sexual harassment in the workplace was a reader questionnaire In Redbook magazine published in 1976. (3) Nine out of ten of the 9,000 self-selected respondents reported that they had experienced sexual harassment in their workplaces. The author of the study stated, Our survey tells us that the problem is not epidemic; it is pandemic - an everyday, everywhere occurrence. Nearly 75% of the women say that they find these unwelcome attentions "embarrassing" or "demeaning" or "intimidating"....Nearly half of our survey respondents say that they (or a woman they know) have quit a job or have been fired because of the problem. The survey also found little difference in the incidence of sexual harassment based on the type of workplace: Our survey shows that it happens everywhere, to almost the same degree, though it may be gross in some places, subtle in others. Whether a women is married or single, 20-ish or 40-ish, it matters not...clearly the problem is a common one. In the Redbook article, the results of this survey were then compared with a smaller but random survey conducted by a naval officer who used the same questionnaire to poll women on his base and in the nearby town in California. In his survey, 81% of the women polled (compared to 88% in the self-selected survey) said they had experienced some form of sexual harassment. A second random survey conducted by Cornell University in the same year found that 70% of the respondents had experienced some form of sexual harassment. A 1978 survey conducted by the Working Women United Institute produced similar results: it showed that five to seven out of every ten women experienced sexual harassment. (4) The U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board conducted studies of sexual harassment in the federal government workforce in 1981 and 1987. The 1981 study found that at least 4296 of the women workers had experienced some form of sexual harassment and that many harassment incidents occurred repeatedly and were of long duration. The study results indicated that 33% of the women reported receiving unwanted sexual remarks, 28% reported suggestive looks, and 26% reported being deliberately touched. These behaviors were classified as "less severe" types of sexual harassment. When "more severe" forms of sexual harassment were addressed, 15% of the women reported experiencing pressure for dates, 9% reported being directly pressured for sexual favors, and 9% had received unwanted letters and telephone calls. One percent of the sample had experienced actual or attempted rape or assault. (5) When the Board repeated its study of workplace sexual harassment in 1987, it reported identical results to the 1981 findings. (6) Dr. Barbara Gutek, in her landmark 1985 study, Sex and the Workplace, found that approximately half of the civilian women workers polled in random telephone interviews had experienced sexual harassment. (7) The incidents of harassment reported included degrading, insulting comments (15%), sexual touching (24%), socializing expected as part of the job requirement (11%), and expected sexual activity (8%). None of those who had been harassed sought legal recourse and only 22% told anyone else about the incident. Dr. Gutek stated, "Sexual harassment is not just a problem for one or two employed groups. It is likely to happen to almost any female worker." (8) Dr. Gutek found that women of all ages, levels of education, occupations, and income levels were subjected to harassment. However, married and widowed women were less likely to be harassed than women who were divorced, separated or never married. Dr. Gutek's study also found that 37% of the men polled stated that they had experienced sexual harassment on the job. She noted, To my surprise, men reported that they were frequent targets of various kinds of overtures from women. Further analysis showed that few of these incidents appear to be harassment. What men report is numerous sexual overtures from women, which men see as mutually entered and reciprocal. Women, on the other hand, report few mutually enjoyable sexual interchanges. They are more often recipients, frequently unexpected recipients, of both harmless sexual overtures and more serious sexual harassment. Women are the ones who report detrimental consequences of these sexual overtures, including quitting a job and getting fired. (9) Dr. Gutek's study is one of the few that has examined the incidence of sexual harassment of men. Many studies of sexual harassment have focused only on the experience of women, primarily because it is widely believed that men are harassed much less frequently and much less severely than women. Other studies of the sexual harassment of men have found a lower rate of incidence than did Dr. Gutek. For example, the 1981 (10) and 1987 (11) studies of the federal workforce conducted by the U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board found that 1415% of the men who responded to the surveys had experienced sexual harassment on the job. Overall, women were three to five times more likely than men to be subjected to the various types of harassing behavior, such as sexual remarks, deliberate touching and pressure for sexual favors. The incidence of harassment in workplaces that have traditionally excluded women has been demonstrated to be even greater than it is in workplaces with significant numbers of women. In a 1981 survey of women coal miners, 17% reported having been physically attacked on the job, 53% reported propositions from their bosses n at least one occasion, and 76% reported propositions from a co-worker. (12) A 1987 study showed that a sample of blue-collar tradeswomen experienced significantly higher levels of and forms of sexual harassment than did either white collar professional women or pink collar clerical women. (13) Another study also reported similar findings in a sample of 160 women surveyed, all of whom were college graduates employed in male-populated occupations such as engineering and management. (14) A 1989 study examined a sample of 100 women employed in either traditional or nontraditional occupations. Traditional occupations were defined as those with large numbers of women workers; nontraditional occupations were those with small numbers of women. (15) The study also divided the traditional group into pink and blue collar workers. The pink collar group included women who were secretaries and clerical workers. The blue collar group included women who were industrial workers. The study reported that high levels of sexual harassment are associated with having low numbers of women in the work group. for example, machinists reported significantly high frequencies of all levels of sexual harassment, while the traditional blue collar workers reported very low levels. Women employed in clerical jobs reported experiences that were more similar to those of the traditional blue collar workers on an assembly line where there are many more women workers than the nontraditional blue collar workers. The study also found that women in the pink collar and traditional blue collar groups encountered just as many men as the machinists during the workday, but were treated differently. Commenting on her study in a 1991 interview, Dr. Baker said, On all 28 items of a sexual harassment scale, ranging from lewd remarks to sexual assault, the women machinists had the highest scores. Among women in white-collar jobs, the same holds true. The more nontraditional the job for women, the more sexual harassment. Women surgeons and investment bankers rank among the highest for harassment. (16) These results suggest, however, that as women approach numerical parity in various segments of the workforce, sexual harassment may decline. Similarly, researchers James Gruber and Lars Bjorn reported that, because of their relatively small numbers, women auto workers were highly visible and therefore frequently the targets of sexual harassment. The authors concluded that sexual harassment was used by male co-workers and superiors to reassert their dominance over the women workers. (17) No occupation or profession is immune to sexual harassment. In 1989, the National Law Journal conducted a survey of 900 women in the top 250 law firms in the United States. (18) The Journal reported, The most insidious form of sex discrimination still runs rampant in many of the firms in which these women work. Sixty percent of women responding said they had experienced unwanted sexual attention of some kind. Superiors, colleagues and clients were all named as sources of the unwanted attention. In addition, 13 of the 900 attorneys who responded to the survey reported actual or attempted rapes or assaults. In the 1990s, polls and studies of many different designs and magnitudes continue to report consistently that sexual harassment is a common and widespread problem in almost every type of workplace. A 1992 survey in Working Woman magazine generated 9,680 reader responses. (19) The analysis of a statistically representative sample of the responses concluded that more than 60% of the respondents had been harassed, and more than a third know a co-worker who has been harassed. Seventy-five percent of the respondents felt that sexual harassment is an issue on a par with salary inequities, inadequate child care and prejudice against promoting women. Perhaps most troubling of all was the finding that only one out of five women believed that most complaints of harassment are given justice. The National Association for Female Executives found that 53% of the 1300 members polled in 1992 had been, or knew someone who was, sexually harassed by someone "in a position to control or influence" their career. Of those, 64% did not report the incident. (20) The incidence of harassment continues to be significant in many different types of workplaces as well. In a 1990 study of sexual harassment in the military, two out of very three women surveyed said that they had experienced sexual harassment. (21) A random telephone poll by the Washington bureau of Parade Magazine conducted in November 1991 found that 70% of the women polled in the military said they had been sexually harassed, as did 50% of the women who work in Congressional offices and 40% f the women polled who work for federal agencies. (22) Sexual harassment even occurs in religious institutions. The United Methodist Church found that 77% of its clergy women had experienced incidents of sexual harassment; 41% named a pastor or colleague as the perpetrator, and 31% mentioned church social functions as the setting. (23) In 1991, around the time of the Anita Hill-Clarence Thomas hearing, the New York Times reported the results of a poll it conducted with CBS News under the headline, "Sexual Harassment at Work Is Pervasive, Survey Suggests." (24) The poll asked women if they had ever been "the object of sexual advances, propositions or unwanted sexual discussion from men who supervise you or can affect your position at work." The question thus focused on the quid pro quo type of harassment, which is generally characterized as being the more serious and less common form of workplace harassment. Surprisingly, 38% of the women responded yes, and 33% of those stated that they did not report the incident to anyone. Five out of ten men polled said that they had said or tone something at some point at work that could have been construed by a female colleague as harassment. A Washington Post-ABC News poll conducted in December, 1992 found that 85% of the respondents (both men and women) said sexual harassment is a problem in the workplace, an increase from the 74% immediately after the October 1991 hearings on the confirmation of Clarence Thomas. (25) Thirty-two percent of women interviewed said they had been sexually harassed on the job (compared with 23% in October, 1991). Further, 36% said they had been harassed outside of work and half of all men and women said they knew someone who had been the victim of sexual harassment. Seven percent of the men interviewed also said they had been harassed on the job. Like many other polls, the survey found little disagreement between men and women about the behaviors that constitute harassment. Current research on the incidence of sexual harassment also demonstrates that sexual harassment exists even in the most sophisticated workplaces and among the members of the most highly educated workforces. A 1993 survey of young doctors at a California medical school directed by Dr. Miriam Komaromy and published in the New England Journal of Medicine, found that three-fourths of the women respondents and one-fifth of the men believed they had been sexually harassed during their medical training. (26) Three of the 33 women respondents said that the sexual harassment did not cause problems for them. However, for the vast majority of the respondents the harassment interfered with their ability to work or created an intimidating work environment. Most of the incidents of harassment involved offensive comments or persistent unwelcome flirtation, but sexual bribery and physical touching and assaults also were reported. To the same effect is a 1993 survey of women lawyers practicing in the federal courts in nine western states conducted by a special task force of the U.S. Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. This survey found that 60% of the respondents had experienced sexual harassment: 40% by clients, 33% by male colleagues and 6% by judges. (27) Other recent studies document more of the same. A survey of 400 top female executives entitled "Decade of the Executive Woman" conducted by the UCLA Graduate School of Management found that two-thirds of the respondents had been sexually harassed.28 Also in 1993, almost half of all the women in the communications industry who responded to a poll by the organization Advertising Women of New York, Inc. stated that sexual harassment is "a very serious problem" in business today (compared with 29% of men) and 35% of them reported some personal experience with sexual harassment at work, including 39% of women in broadcasting, 37% of women in publishing, and 28% of women in advertising agencies. (29) Forty-five percent of women in upper management reported having been harassed, as did 35% in middle management and 25% in other positions. Three out of four women who have been harassed did not report it. In 14% of the reported cases, management did nothing. In 14% management took action against the offender, and in 2% of the cases management took action against the complainant. Similarly, a survey of women journalists in Washington, D.C., conducted by Professors Maurine Beasley and Katherine McAdams of the University of Maryland, found that 80% said sexual harassment was a problem in their business and that 60% of them had personally experienced it; 40% had been harassed by co-workers and 40% by story sources. (30) Only one survey known to the Task Force produced results different from the studies described above. In 1991, the Roper Organization conducted a poll of 1,026 employed women and men. (31) The press release accompanying the poll stated: Despite the uproar following the Clarence Thomas hearings, sexual harassment in the workplace is not common, and the vast majority of Americans are satisfied with the way their employers are treating the problem. Of the men and women surveyed, 73% said there was either "no" or "not much" sexual harassment at work; 18% answered "some" and only 4% "a lot." (32) The results of this poll are difficult to explain, as they are completely at odds with all of the other studies and surveys. Sadly, the nearly harassment-free world described in the Roper poll simply does not exist today. SEXUAL HARASSMENT OF TARGETED POPULATIONS * PEOPLE OF COLOR To date, there has been scant research on the incidence of workplace and academic harassment among persons of color. However, the initial assessments suggest that persons of color experience sexual harassment more frequently than do whites. For example, research in progress by Paludi, DeFour, and Roberts shows that the incidence of academic sexual harassment of ethnic minority women is even greater than that reported for white women. At one of the Task Force's public hearings, Dr. Paludi stated that, Current research from our laboratory at Hunter College from a national sample of women of color in the United States indicates that the incidence rate is close to 90% in the academy. (33) Ethnic minority women may also be more likely to receive sexual attention from professors. Darlene DeFour has observed: The images and perceptions of women of color also increase their vulnerability to harassment. These images either portray the women as weak and thus unlikely to fight back if harassed, or they are perceived as very sexual and thus desiring sexual attention. Hispanic women have been described as hot-blooded...Asian women have been described as...submissive. However, they are also viewed by some as the exotic sexpot who will cater to the whims of any man. (34) Interestingly, Dr. Barbara Gutek made a different finding with respect to women of color in her 1985 study of sexual harassment in the workplace. She concluded that, Minority women are not particularly more vulnerable to sexual harassment than Caucasian women. In fact, Caucasian women report somewhat higher rates of sexual harassment and are more likely to quit a job because of sexual harassment. A variety of factors may contribute to these findings; minority women may report fewer of their experiences and Caucasian women represent the cultural standard of attractiveness. (35) The cultural taboo against discussing the issue of sexual harassment in communities of color, as described in Chapter 6, and the relatively small size of the study sample, also may provide explanations for these results. * PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES Sexual harassment also is a serious problem for people with disabilities. Individuals who investigate harassment complaints sometimes mistakenly view sexual harassment as related to sexuality, rather than as an abuse of power, and therefore do not find disabled women's complaints of harassment credible because they do not view these women as sexual. However, there has been little formal investigation of the incidence of sexual harassment of people with disabilities. * LESBIANS, GAY MEN AND BISEXUALS The issue of the incidence of sexual harassment of gay men, lesbians and bisexuals has received little attention. One of the few studies of lesbians' experience with sexual harassment in the workplace was conducted by Dr. Beth E. Schneider in the early 1980s. (36) She asked both lesbian and heterosexual women whether they had experienced any of four harassing behaviors at work during the previous year. The four behaviors were: requests for dates, jokes about body or appearance, pinches or grabs, and sexual propositions by a boss, co-worker, subordinate or recipient of service (such as a customer, patient, or student). Eighty-two percent of the lesbian respondents reported that they had experienced at least one of these behaviors in the past year, compared with 69% of the heterosexual women who answered in the affirmative. One-third of the lesbians reported both pinches or grabs and sexual propositions. Co-workers and clients were found to be the major initiators of these behaviors. Twenty percent of the lesbians also reported a sexual assault sometime in their employment history, two-thirds of which were attempted assaults. The study found a significant difference in the incidence of harassment of lesbians based on the gender composition of their workplaces: "for example, 17% of lesbians in workplaces with 80% or more women were approached by co-workers, while 73% in workplaces with 80% or more men were approached by co-workers." (37) Overall, there has been far too little study of the problem in these communities. Too often, these individuals have been excluded from research or have had their responses omitted due to few number of respondents represented in the sample. As Dr. Paludi has observed, Comprehensive study of sexual harassment of lesbians and gays, persons of color, persons with disabilities and older persons is crucial because group differences in experiences of sexual harassment will yield important data upon which to construct theory...(38) The design of effective policies, useful complaint procedures and other remedies for harassment also requires an-appreciation of these different perspectives on sexual harassment. As discussed in Chapter 6, the Task Force sponsored roundtable meetings for people of color, persons with disabilities, gays and lesbians, and others, in order to provide a forum for discussion of their perspectives. Like surveys and academic studies, his type of inquiry is an important component of the efforts to gain a more comprehensive understanding of sexual harassment. SEXUAL HARASSMENT IN EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS Unfortunately, the incidence of sexual harassment among girls and women in educational institutions is disturbingly similar to that of women in the workforce. The studies demonstrate that the rate of incidence has not lessened over time and that sexual harassment continues to be experienced by female students of all ages at an alarming rate. * POST-SECONDARY INSTITUTIONS A 1984 study reported that 30% of undergraduate women experience one or more forms of sexual harassment from at least one of their professors during their four years of college. (39) When definitions of sexual harassment include sexist remarks and other forms of "gender harassment," the incidence rate in undergraduate populations nears 90%. (40) These percentages translate into millions of students in institutions of higher education who are sexually harassed each year. (41) The incidence rate for women graduate students and faculty is even higher. (42) For example, one 1985 study found that 13% of the women respondents had been sexually harassed and 16% had been directly assaulted. (43) Other studies show that 3%-5% of women in the samples report instances of direct sexual coercion, which means that hundreds of thousands of college women have experienced it. Thus, while some of the percentages appear small, the absolute numbers are not. (44) Though there are few studies focusing on the sexual harassment of nonfaculty employees in the college/university system, there is no reason to suppose that the harassment of female college staff is any less than the 50% rate reported for employees of various other public and private institutions. (45) * ELEMENTARY AND SECONDARY SCHOOLS The experience of sexual harassment is not unique to post-secondary education. For the first time, attention has been focused on the incidence of sexual harassment in elementary and secondary schools. The research findings are profound and disturbing. In March, 1993 the Center for Research on Women at Wellesley College released the results of a survey conducted by means of a questionnaire published in Seventeen magazine. (46) Over 4,200 girls, ranging in age from 9 to 19 and in grades 2 through 12, returned surveys. Ninety percent of the respondents attended public schools, 6% attended private schools, 3% attended parochial schools and slightly under one percent attended vocational schools. The girls represented a variety of racial and ethnic groups: 89% Caucasian, 2% African-American, 3% Latina, 2% Asian-American, 0.6% Native American and 3% were of mixed racial or ethnic background. The authors of the report, "Secrets in Public: Sexual Harassment in Our Schools," stated: Sexual harassment is rampant in elementary and secondary schools. It is a 'well-known secret' that takes place in public every day in schools across the nation. While sometimes identified and curtailed, more often than not sexual harassment is tolerated. (47) Thirty-nine percent of the survey respondents reported being harassed at school on a daily basis during the last year; 29% of the students were subject to harassment at least once a week, and 32% were harassed less often. The survey also found that, Sexual harassment happens in all kinds of schools, to all kinds of girls - there are few differences by type of school attended or by racial or ethnic background. (48) Nor is peer harassment the only problem in schools. Four percent of the respondents reported being harassed by teachers, administrators or other school staff. A second survey of 1,632 male and female students in grades 8 through 11, conducted in 1993 by Louis Harris & Associates for the American Association of University Women Educational Foundation, found: Sexual harassment in school is an experience common to the vast majority of 8th to 11th Fade students in America's public schools. Clearly the most alarming finding of this survey is that fully 4 out of 5 students (81%) report that they have been the target of some form of sexual harassment during their school lives. (49) Surprisingly, the 81% of the students who reported being harassed includes not only 85% of the girls surveyed, but also 76% of the boys. Two-thirds of the girls in this study said they were harassed "often" or "occasionally." Fewer than one in five boys reported that they were harassed often, compared with one in three girls who reported being targeted often. The poll also revealed only slightly different rates of the incidence of harassment for students from different racial groups. Eighty-seven percent of white girls reported experiencing harassment, compared with 84% of the African Americans surveyed and 82% of the Latinos. Among boys, 81% of African Americans have experienced sexual harassment, compared with 75% of whites and 68% of Latinos. Among African American boys, the report notes, "the incidence of harassment involving direct physical contact is alarming." Forty-nine percent of them reported having been intentionally brushed up against in a sexual way. METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES There are a number of methodological issues to be taken into account in any assessment of the surveys and studies described above. One principal issue concerns the use of the term "sexual harassment" in surveys. Research suggests that women may not label their experiences as sexual harassment despite the fact that their experiences fit the legal definition of sexual harassment and that 30-70% of women experience more than one type of sexual harassment. (50) Therefore, asking women whether they have been harassed or labeling behaviors as harassment and asking whether a women has experienced them may influence the responses. In addition, many women have been socialized to accept forms of sexual harassment under the label of joking or compliments, thereby systematically reducing their rate of response. Nor do all women share the same definition of sexual harassment. Thus, women should not be asked to make a subjective judgment as to whether they have experienced sexual harassment before they respond to items dealing with the legal definition of sexual harassment. If the term "sexual harassment" is used in a survey, the resulting data will include a lowering of true incidence rates. (51) Another criticism of the current research on obtaining incidence rates of academic and workplace sexual harassment is that it is women who have been harassed or who are sensitive to sexual harassment who return surveys on the issue. This fact relates to inaccurate estimates of the incidence of sexual harassment. Collecting incidence data from intact groups such as classrooms and professional conferences rather than from individuals can avoid this problem. However, this latter approach makes the data setting-specific and nonrandom. In addition, most studies report unacceptably low response rates for surveys on sexual harassment (52) compared to the nearly 100% obtained from intact classes and meetings. It is thus unlikely that mail surveys will approximate the precision necessary for this work. It is critical that adequate samples be obtained if the data are to be useful for education and training programs, as well as for scientific concerns. A related issue concerns individuals' lack of acceptance of women's self-report data. Paludi and Barickmans (53) report a tendency for individuals, including researchers, to disbelieve women's reports of sexual harassment. If the data obtained in incidence studies are to be used for establishing policy statements and procedures, women's responses must be believed. CONCLUSION Even taking into account the methodological concerns described above, the surveys and other studies leave no doubt that sexual harassment is a widespread and continuing problem in workplaces and schools. It transcends occupational and professional categories, age groups, educational backgrounds, racial and ethnic groups, and income levels and affects us all. The prevalence of sexual harassment makes clear the seriousness of the problem, as well as the need for broadly-based action to eliminate it. ENDNOTES 1. Paludi, M.A. and R.B. Barickman. (1991). Academic and Workplace Sexual Harassment: A Resource Manual. Albany: State University of New York Press. 2. Fitzgerald, L.F. (1993). Report to the Committee on Women, American Psychological Association. 3. Safran, C. (1976) November. "What Men Do To Women On the Job," Redbook Magazine. 4. Working Women United Institute. (1978). Responses of Fair Employment Practices Agencies to Sexual Harassment Complaints: A Report and Recommendations. New York: Working Women's United Institute. 5. U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board. (1981). Sexual Harassment of Federal Workers: Is it a Problem? Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office. 6. U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board. (1987). Sexual Harassment of Federal Workers: An Update. Washington, D.C.: United State Government Printing Office. 7. Gutek, B. (1985). Sex and the Workplace. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. 8. Gutek at page 55. 9. Gutek at page 44. 10. U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board at note 5. 11. U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board at note 6. 12. White, C., B. Angle, and M. Moore. (1981). Sexual Harassment in the Coal Industry: A Survey of Women Miners. Oak Ridge, Tennessee: Coal Employment Project. 13. Gold, Y. (1987) August. "The Sexualization of the Workplace: Sexual Harassment of Pink, White and Blue Collar Workers." Paper presented at the annual conference of the American Psychological Association, New York. 14. Lafontaine, E. and L. Treadeau. (1986). "The Frequency, Sources, and Correlates of Sexual Harassment among Women in Traditional Male Occupations." Sex Roles, pages 15, 433-442. 15. Baker, N. (1989). "Sexual Harassment and Job Satisfaction in Traditional and Nontraditional Industrial Occupations." Unpublished doctoral dissertation, California School of Professional Psychology, Los Angeles, CA. 16. The New York Times. (1991) October 22. "Sexual Harassment: It's About Power, Not Lust." 17. Gruber, J. E. and L. Bjorn. (1982). "Blue Collar Blues: The Sexual Harassment of Women Autoworkers," Work and Occupations, Vol. 9:3, pages 271-298. 18. Couric, E. (1989), December 11. "Women in Law Firms: A High Price of Admission?" The National Law Journal, Vol. 12:4, page S2. 19. Sandroff, R. (1992) June. "Sexual Harassment: The Inside Story," Working Woman, page 47. 20. National Association of Female Executives and Esquire Magazine. (1992) November. Untitled survey of NAFE members (female) and Esquire magazine readers (male) on the Anita Hill/Clarence Thomas hearings. New York: New York. 21. The New York Times. (1991) September 12. "Two Out of Three Women in Military Study Report Sexual Harassment Incidents," page A22. 22. Parade Magazine. (1991) November 17. "Sexual Harassment: Gender Gap on Capitol Hill," page 8. 23. Frankel P. (1991) May/June. "Bared Buttocks and Federal Cases," Society, pages 47. 24. The New York Times. (1991). October 11. "Sexual Harassment at Work is Pervasive, Survey Suggests," page A1. 25. Albany Times Union. (1992) October 14. "Public Redefines Sex Harassment: Majority Views Harassment as a Workplace Problem," page A1. 26. The New York Times. (1993) February 4. "Many Doctors Tell of Sex Harassment in Training," page A14. 27. Newsday. (1993) August 24. "Sexual Harassment Called Pervasive in Court System," page 36. 28. Korn/Ferry International & the Anderson Graduate School of Management at UCLA. (1993) "Decade of the Executive Woman." New York: New York. 29. Advertising Women of New York, Inc. (1993) May 7. The AWNY Report. New York: New York. 30. Beasley, M. and K. McAdams. (1992) "Sexual Harassment of Women Accredited to the Daily Congressional Press Galleries of the U.S. Capitol." Forthcoming in The Newspaper Research Journal, a publication of the Newspaper Division of the Association on Education in Journalism and Mass Communications. 31. The Roper Organization, Inc. (1992) March. Report 92-1. New York: New York. 32. Interestingly, the responses showed that the larger the company, the greater the incidence of sexual harassment. 72% of employees of small businesses surveyed, (with fewer than 50 employees) said there was no sexual harassment at work, compared with 42% of employees at medium-sized firms (50-499 employees) and 41% at large companies (with more than 500 employees). 33. Paludi, M.A. (1993). Ethnicity, sex and sexual harassment. Thought and Action: The National Education Association Higher Educational Journal 8, 105-116. See also, Pauldi M.A. and D.C.DeFour (1991) August. "Ethnicity, Sex and Sexual Harassment: Implications for education, advocacy and practice." Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Psychological Association. San Francisco, CA. 34. DeFour, D. C. (1990). "The Interface of Racism and Sexism on College Campuses." In M.A. Paludi Ed., Ivory Power: Sexual Harassment on Campus. Albany: State University of New York Press. 35. Gutek at page 56. 36. Schneider, B. E. (1982). "Consciousness about Sexual Harassment Among Heterosexual and Lesbian Women Workers." Journal of Social Issues. Vol. 38:No. 4, page 75. 37. Schneider at page 85. 38. Barickman, R., Paludi, M.A. and Zabinowitz, V. (1992). "Sexual Harassment of Students: Victims of the College Experience." In Viano, E. Victimization: An International Perspective. New York: Springer. 39. Dzeich, B.W. and L. Weiner. (1984). The Lecherous Professor: Sexual Harassment on Campus. Boston: Beacon Press. 40. Adams, J., J. Kottke and J. Padgitt. (1983). "Sexual Harassment of University Students." Journal of College. Student Personnel. Vol. 24. 41. According to the Chronicle of Higher Education, there were 6,835,900 women enrolled in undergraduate and graduate programs in the United States in 1987. Thirty percent of this figure, more than two million students, experienced sexual harassment directed against them personally. When gender harassment is included, the number is 4,785,000. 42. See, e.g., Bailey, N. and P. Richards. (1985). "Tarnishing the Ivory Tower: Sexual Harassment in Graduate Training Programs." Paper presented at the annual conference of the American Psychological Association, Los Angeles, Ca. and, Bond, M. (1988). "Division 27 Sexual Harassment Survey: Definition, Impact and Environmental Context." The Community Psychologist. Vol. 21. 43. Bailey, N. and P. Richards. 44. Chapman, G. (ed) (1981) Harassment and Discrimination of Women in Employment. ERIC Document No. ED225054. 45. Fitzgerald, L., S. Shullman, N. Bailey, M. Richards, J. Swecker, Y. Gold, M. Ormerod, and L. Weitzman. (1988). "The Incidence and Dimensions of Sexual Harassment in Academia and the Workplace." Journal of Vocational Behavior, Vol. 32. 46. Stein, N., N. L. Marshall, and L. R. Tropp. (1993), March. "Secrets in Public: Sexual Harassment in Our Schools." Center for Research on Women: Wellesley College. 47. Stein, at page 1. 48. Stein, at page 2. 49. American Association of University Women Educational Foundation and Louis Harris & Associates. (1993) June. "Hostile Hallways: The AAUW Survey on Sexual Harassment in America's Public Schools." AAUW Educational Foundation: Washington, D.C. 50. Fitzgerald, L.F. (1990). "Sexual Harassment: The Definition and Measurement of a Construct." In M.A. Paludi, Ed., Ivory Power: Sexual Harassment on Campus. Albany: State University of New York Press. 51. Paludi, M.A. (1998) March. "A feminist construction of the research on sexual and gender harassment." Paper presented at the Association for Women in Psychology, Bethesda, MD. 52. Fitzgerald, at note 50. 53. Paludi, at note 51.