EAST OF HOME
by Santha Rama Rau
Site Eds. Note: The following excerpts are from East of Home (1950), a unique record of Occupied Japan written by an Asian observer, Santha Rama Rau, who arrived in Japan in the summer of 1947, age twenty-three, with her father, Sir Benegal Rama Rau, the head of India’s liaison mission in Tokyo. By then, she had already published Home to India (1945), a novel of her leading character’s rediscovery of her birth country. English was Rama Rau’s natural tongue, having been educated in England as a girl and later at Wellesley College, where she graduated in 1945. Until her mother arrived, she acted as her father’s hostess and experienced Tokyo as a privileged young woman. Through his diplomatic connections, she met many high ranking Japanese and was able to enjoy a fairly comfortable life in a still-devastated city. She received a similar reception during her subsequent tour of China, Vietnam, Thailand, and Indonesia. She does, however, get a job in Tokyo and briefly teach English at the Freedom School, founded in the 1920s by one of Japan’s first women journalists, Hani Motoko. Rama Rau’s Indian roots are apparent in her observations about empire, colonialism, atrocities, and the Tokyo War Crimes Trials. In February 1948, the Japanese mourn with her the assassination of India’s leader, Mahatma Gandhi. As she increasingly makes clear, her sojourn in Japan and subsequent travels in postwar China and Southeast Asia brought her closer than before to a sense of shared Asian identity.
The Japan part of Rama Rau's recollections (pp. 3-70) begins with her arrival at the Tokyo airport, July 1947, and the first of several important conversations with her father.
Someone in the plane to Japan wakes you soon after sunrise so that you will not miss the sight of Mount Fuji, pale, pretty and unreal at dawn. With this in your mind, if you haven't already seen the bombed cities and the destruction of Europe, the first impression of Tokyo is shocking.
Driving in from the airport the desolation you see on each side of the street is given pathos—though that is too weak a word—by the little jerry-built shacks which mushroom out of the piles of rubble and the stricken spaces. Here and there, a concrete building freakishly untouched
stands out in important isolation. In the industrial sections the blinded warehouses and factories are everywhere surrounded by the little clusters of wooden huts and their small patches of vegetable gardens. The few blocks which surround the Imperial palace are more or less intact. It is the center
of town and there you can see that Tokyo must have been built on a gracious plan with its wide avenues, parks and gardens.
In the grilling heat of the summer of 1947, my father—who had just been appointed India's first ambassador to
Japan—and I drove into town and gazed entranced at our first evidence of the Military Occupation. Tokyo's street names had been changed. Bright new signs indicated A Avenue or 15th Street; parks and movies were now called Doolittle Field or the Ernie Pyle Theatre; another notice pointed the way to Washington Heights, a housing settlement.
My father, who feels less need to talk than anyone I know, made one of his rare comments.
"Americans," he said, "get homesick so easily."
"And I suppose we don't?" I said. "East is east and. . ."
"It's all very well," he told me, "to be flippant about it, but you have traveled only in the West, and you know nothing about your own continent. Here you now feel a foreigner to the Japanese; soon you will feel increasingly foreign to the Americans and Europeans. After all," he said
unemphatically, "you belong to Asia, you know, not just India."
"Yes," I said, not believing him, and concentrating much more on the rather theatrical arrival I had planned for us. We were to sweep up to the beautiful Indian Embassy house, I would nod in a kind and friendly way to the Japanese servants lined up on the front porch, order tea in the
drawing room, and set about giving it those little touches that the magazines tell me make a house a home. Actually, however, after steaming hours of muddle in which we discovered that the overcrowding in Tokyo was so acute that it would be impossible for us to have a house just yet, we drove to the Imperial Hotel. There a worried American sergeant who looked at my wilted sari (simple but dignified, I had hoped) and could only consider it some unfortunate form of nightdress, told us that they could allot us two rooms on different floors. He didn't take us up by the service elevator, but he looked as if he would like to. My mother had sent me off to be my father's official hostess, partly because she had too much of her own work at home, and partly, she said, "because it is only a matter of seeing that people don't get orange juice when they want
a cocktail at your parties, and in any case I am too old and tired to start dealing with foreigners all over again." At which point she bustled energetically off to one of her endless welfare meetings.
Those first two weeks in Tokyo, among the strangest in my life, almost convinced me that Mother had meant her remarks quite seriously. We were plunged at once into the diplomatic round, and I had the dazed feeling that the foreigners did nothing in Japan except entertain and be entertained. One changed one's clothes half a dozen times a day, arrived breathless at cocktail parties where people were apt to ask in the same tone
one uses for commenting on the weather, "And how do you think democratization is coming along?"
My father seemed relatively unimpressed by the curious Occupation dream world in which we saw the Japanese on the streets, requisitioned their houses, used their movies and clubs, but never met them.
It was after a remark from a fellow guest at a dinner that I finally decided something must be done about it. I had said by way of conversation that I had never been to so many parties in such a short time. "Oh," she said,
"just wait till the winter. That's when the Season starts, and really, I think you see as much jewelry and lavishness as you do at the Paris Opera."
On the way home I announced to my father with some desperation that I thought the whole point of coming to Japan was to get to know the Japanese, and that so far the only Japanese I had met were the room
girls at the hotel. I asked him what he suggested I should do.
With his usual brevity, he said, "Anyone of intelligence would get a job."
"What sort of job?"
"Well, the extraordinary education they give you children these days doesn't really equip you to do anything. I suggest you teach English. I understand they are very short of teachers in Japanese schools just now."
"Yes," I said meekly.
"Not," he continued, "that I expect your unfortunate students to learn very much, but I think they should be able to teach you something. The second thing that you might do is go to the theater. It is not, as you know, something that I particularly enjoy, but you will find that it is the
quickest way of learning how a nation thinks. None of the Allied personnel is allowed to go to the Japanese theaters, but as a member of the Diplomatic Corps you can get an off-limits pass."
After presentation of Sir Rama Rau's diplomatic credentials to General Headquarters, the question of suitable work for his daughter is next on the agenda.
A few days later my father and I drove out to the Jiyu Gakuyen (Freedom School) which is in one of the Tokyo suburbs. The school grounds are fairly extensive, and scattered through them are the buildings,
some Japanese in style, and some of a design I think of, for some reason, as Swedish-big plate-glass picture windows, some of which had been broken and replaced by rice-paper screens; blond wood furniture and walls; flat roofs and terraces. Because the school is not near the industrial section, its buildings were neither bombed nor burned, but there are still the remains of a couple of craters in the grounds.
Old Mrs. Hani, who with her husband runs the school, was waiting to receive us. One of the smallest women I have ever seen, she wore a plain gray kimono, and walked uncertainly down the path toward us. She is nearly blind, and her skin has crumpled, like tissue paper, into a tangle of
tiny wrinkles. Her daughter and Mr. Hani walked beside her, watching and guiding her from time to time as though she were a favorite child taking her first steps. Miss Hani, speaking good English, translated her mother's little speech of welcome. We all bowed and smiled. Mrs. Hani raised a tiny
trembling hand and touched my sari. In her rather incongruously harsh voice she said something in Japanese. Her daughter translated, "My mother says that she is honored to meet people from the country of Mahatma Gandhi. So late in her life she has not much expectation, but this wish, at least, has come true."
Feeling remarkably silly I replied that I was the one to feel
privileged as I had heard a great deal about her valuable work in education in Japan. Then we were formally shown around the school.
Miss Hani, a young woman of considerable charm and a timid manner, told me a little of the history of the Jiyu Gakuyen as we went. Its story is one of great liberalism and equally great hardship. One of the few progressive schools in Japan, it was also the first to introduce co-education. "Of course we had to do that gradually," she said. "To us it is a very foreign idea to have boys and girls in the same school. Even now, they must be in separate classrooms, and during meals they sit on opposite sides of the dining hall. We can only move as fast as our supporters will follow."
Mrs. Hani croaked an interruption, "The only way to learn the
pain and the value of labor is to labor yourself."
Out of the window I could see several of the boys working in a vegetable garden. "Food," Miss Hani explained, "is so scarce that we have had to dig up the playing fields and grow vegetables in them. Before the war we used to be very proud of our flowers, but now our girls have to learn to
make their flower arrangements at home. It has become too expensive an art for us here."
Other things had to go, too. Benches and chairs were burned during the worst days as firewood for cooking. No longer could all the members of a class go on a field trip, so the one or two who could manage such a luxury returned to lecture to the rest of their class on what they
had learned.
Mrs. Hani describes the wartime pressures on the school and its students and the remaining difficulties in finding food; she gratefully accepts the offer to help women students, ages fifteen to seventeen, to speak as well as read and write English. When Rama Rau discovers that the young women have been reading The Canterbury Tales in middle-English, she quickly switches the texts (in mimeograph form) to modern plays. Her favorite is Lillian Hellman’s Watch on the Rhine, selected not only for its colloquial English but also for its democratic principles. She apparently did not know that the same play was on the approved list for teaching democracy in both Occupied Japan and the American Zone in Occupied Germany. At about the same time, Rama Rau sees her first Japanese play, a Kabuki drama, in a special performance for Allied personnel. As her social life continues, she meets the president of Japan’s newly elected upper house, Matsudaira Tsuneo (a member of the former peers or defunct aristocracy), and later takes his daughter by car, a luxury, to visit her mother (his wife) in the Tokyo suburbs. By bus, it is an hour and a half ride.
On the drive Miss Hani pointed out her children's school to me. It was in pretty bad repair and it had been used as a barracks during the war but the children were helping to reconstruct it and did not seem to mind too much. "Except in winter," she said, "it is very cold and then they have no heat in the school. Some of their classes are given while the children run around in the room to keep warm."
I asked her more about the school, having by now a professional interest. She told me that this used to be the school to which only the children of the aristocracy or people connected with the Imperial household could go. In those days before the war the girls were taught the
things correct for the aristocracy to know—Japanese history, painting,
music and ladylike arts. With the end of the war this school, along with the others, was "democratized." Anyone can go there now. A change of heart was supposed to accompany a change of textbooks.
I asked her if she approved of the changes. She said carefully that it was too early to judge. "It is like having your entire adolescence crowded into two years. Luckily my children are still very young, only five and eight, so that they have not felt the change as badly. It is the sixteen-year-olds who suffer most for they have had some years of schooling under the old system and a couple under the new. They do not know
how to adjust to the changes and they think it simply means that they can go out and generally defy their parents—all these things were strongly disapproved of in my day. I do not think they understand yet what it is all about. They are both too young and too old to be able to assimilate the
new—is 'ideology' the word I want?" I could not decide whether she was
being sarcastic. "I expect they will calm down after a while when the novelty has worn off but I do not know whether they will adjust to either world."
"Does that mean that you think there is a chance of the old order returning?"
She smiled. "I do not know about these things but I can tell you that for the next few years their parents will worry dreadfully because, like parents all over the world, I suppose, they will feel that their children have not the experience or the firm standards to find their way in
the new world and, what is worse, have not the time to learn before they are adults and expected to assume the responsibility for that world. So far they have learned only the easy and superficial things—the impertinence and the dancing."
After lunch with the mother, the “old lady,” a surprise guest, the other daughter, turns this occasion into an even more memorable trip to the country. "Would you come upstairs and meet my sister?," asks Mrs. Hani.
As we got to the doorway my hostess made a very low ceremonial bow and waited till she was asked to come in. I rather
stupidly held out my hand and said, "How do you do!" The sister looked surprised, but took it. The old lady said, "I wanted you to meet my other daughter, the Princess Chichibu."
We all waited for the princess to sit down on the floor and then we sat, too. They treated her with all the formality of royalty and none of the familiarity of a member of the family. She asked me if I minded sitting on the floor. I said, "No, it is our custom in India, too."
She said, "That gives us something in common."
There was a silence and I gathered that nobody spoke until the princess chose a subject. She was about the same height and build as her sister, with the same sort of figure, a prettier face, beautiful hands but less charm, and gracious rather than graceful. Her dress was light-green
linen with no style, badly cut, and did not begin to fit her—she wore no make-up.
Finally, "How nice it is to be in Tokyo again!"
I said, "Do you live far from here?"
"We have to stay in our house at the foot of Mount Fuji. You must visit us there sometime. It is quite a pretty place."
"It is supposed to have the best view in Japan," said her sister.
"That sounds beautiful. Do you manage to come in often?—though I cannot imagine why you should want to leave a place
like that."
"Not often, sometimes twice a month, traveling is so difficult these days."
"But I have heard it is a heavenly drive."
"We cannot drive," she said, amused. "We have no petrol for our car."
"But your trains," I said, not realizing that I was getting myself in deeper, "I have only been in them once but they were so comfortable and quick."
"Ah, you speak of the Allied Ltd. No, we may not travel on this. We must go by the regular day coach and that means waiting at the station for a ticket for three hours—there are no reservations as you
know—and then the coaches are so crowded that we usually have to stand all the way, but everyone must travel that way nowadays."
Her mother joined in, "Last time my husband and I traveled it was quite funny. He is an old man and could not stand in line so I queued up for him: then we got our tickets and rushed for the train, but he is a little slow and got pushed to the outside of the crowd. I was jammed in the
middle but managed to get on. Then I noticed that he was not there and had no hope of getting through the crowd around the door before the train started, so I shouted to him and he climbed in through one of the windows.
People helped to push him in because he is an old man, but he got stuck in the window, which is small, and the train began to move. I was terrified. Eventually we pried him loose. The crowd was much amused."
I did not know what to say. Fortunately she continued, "That kind of thing is all right for us." And then, with her first sign of anger, and one which I did not think her capable of, "To treat royalty that way is inexcusable."
The princess said, "It is not always quite so bad. When people recognize me they usually clear a seat for me and leave one on each side free. That is not too bad."
Her mother repeated, "They may take away our cars, our houses, whatever they want to, but they should respect royalty. At first, you know, I refused to leave the house when I found that I must travel by bus and train, but how long can that feeling last? Now I do my own marketing with all the other housewives. I bargain at the bazaars along with my servants. For us it does not matter. But for the imperial family. . . . Only
in Asia do they understand royalty, even in Europe it is gone."
Clearly the whole family was very proud when the Emperor's brother had chosen to marry one of their girls. Very few families of the aristocracy have the privilege of being so closely connected with the Imperial household.
Summer turns into autumn, 1947. Excursions continue as do English classes at the Freedom School, leading to an unexpected exchange of views on war crimes and atrocities...
I have always thought of autumn as a fading, misty time. Damp woods, the smell of dead leaves, the dying season. In Japan it has a flamboyance and a glory that seems to be vaguely improper, mourners in scarlet. We spent a weekend at Nikko, driving there for hours between mountains flaming with autumn. It seemed strange to be surrounded by such extravagance of color; in Bombay, autumn is only a steamy, shabby month
between the rains of summer and the equability of winter. In Nikko itself the famous temple came as another surprise—the ornate gold and red arches, the lacquered pavilions. It was extraordinary that the Japanese, who in their manners and their private homes display such elegance and restraint, should have a countryside theatrical to the point of
vulgarity.
I said something of the sort to my father who turned and stared at me. "What astonishing things you come out with," he said. "All this talk of vulgarity and good taste. Is it something you have picked up in the West? It seems too elementary to tell you that standards in art, as in food, vary from country to country. The point at which you start to understand the Japanese will be the point at which you find the same things as they do beautiful. By which I do not mean simply recognize what they think beautiful but actually get the same esthetic pleasure from them although. . ." his sentence trailed off, "one has to select—an activity youth is congenitally incapable of. . . ."
Autumn at the Jiyu Gakuyen was beautiful, too, but in a quieter way than the mountains. I found my eyes turning continually to the copper and gold outside the classroom window. Through the paper screens the powdered sunlight slanted more acutely across the floor. The girls seemed interested in Watch on the Rhine. Reading the first act we came to the sentence, "On that day, I see twenty-seven murdered in a Nazi street fight." One of the girls asked, "What does this word mean—'murder'?"
I said, without thinking much, "To kill someone."
"Is it the same thing," the girl asked, "to kill and to murder?"
"Not exactly, murder implies a motive."
The girl did not quite understand that. "If you drive your car and a child runs across the street and is killed, is it murder?"
"No, that would be an accident. You do not wish to kill the
child."
She said, "Ah so, a soldier in the war he sees an enemy coming to him he shoots and kills; he wishes very much that man dead, is it a killing?"
I did not quite know how to explain that and fell back on legalisms that I am not sure they understood. I said that would probably be considered manslaughter in a court of law, a killing in self-defense.
"Not in law," she said, "in morals?"
"I cannot tell you," I answered. "Some aspects of that
problem are being considered in the War Crimes Tribunal in Tokyo. Why don't
you go and listen sometime? Have any of you ever been?"
None of them had so I told them if they wanted to go I would
give them study time off for it. Apparently some of them did go because
after class one day one of the girls came up to me. She was a sturdy, quiet
girl called Yoko who knew rather more English than the rest of the class
because her father had been educated in America. She said, "I speak English
badly but would like to ask some questions about the trial."
"Of course," I said, pleased.
She frowned, "Like this. You too are of Asia, otherwise I
could not ask." She framed her sentences carefully as though she had been
thinking them out. "Our leaders are accused of aggression and imperialism.
Is that so?"
"Yes."
"Well, among the judges is a Dutchman, and do the Dutch not
conquer and rule Indonesia?"
I nodded feebly.
"Also there is a Frenchman, his country rules Indo-China. The
Englishman left your country only in August but stays in Burma and Malaya.
The Chinese say they rule Tibet and Sinkiang who do not wish them there."
"Yes," I said, "but those are old conquests. One cannot go
back through history righting wrongs—one must begin somewhere."
"The Russian," Yoko asked gently, "the conquests of his
country in East Europe, they are old, too?"
"No, listen," I said, "I agree with you. Where conquests are
so old that the people themselves have forgotten, one might as well leave
those alone. But I think the principle should be that where a nation wants a
foreign conqueror to leave their country and yet they remain, that should be
remedied." I stopped suddenly wondering if that applied to the Occupation of
Japan. "Besides," I said, trying to put myself right, "there were other
things, atrocities and so on."
"Ah! those come in any war."
"Well, the Allies did not go around beheading captured
airmen," I said on surer ground.
"Yes, those should be punished. But is it worse to behead a
man than to shoot him or hang him or kill him with an atom bomb?"
"It seems barbaric to the West or rather," I said, thinking
of the far worse atrocities that the West has been guilty of, their
concentration camps, and torture chambers, "to the democracies." Then I
amended that to, "to Americans," because of the atrocities of the democratic
countries in their Asian colonies.
"It is," Yoko said thoughtfully, "the custom of the country.
Some foreign customs seem barbaric to us, too." She apologized to me. "You
said you wish us to understand these things. I do not criticize. There are
many good things, but is confusing. Is it not so?"
Rama Rau's next trip is with her father in late October to Kyoto, Osaka, and Kobe to meet with the small community of Indian businessmen still in Japan.
In Kobe and Osaka we were conducted by Japanese officials around the industrial and shipping areas. The Kobe docks were like something from one of those photographs of the surface of the moon. It was hard to believe that such destruction was possible. Here, the structures had been of
steel, stone and concrete. Some of the bombed areas in Japan looked less frightful because there was relatively little rubble. The wooden houses burned away to ash, and in the two years since the end of the war huts had
grown up lining the roads and hiding the vast blank areas behind them. Here, too, they were rebuilding but still the scars were wide and
humiliating.
They also are invited to the home of a Japanese businessmen, a former millionaire, who had prewar interests in trade with India. It is a rare treat for Occupied personnel to stay in a Japanese house. Sakiko Kishimoto, his married daughter, and Santha Rama Rau, exchange views and take a long walk in the hills.
We talked a lot about the war and she told me that she was married when she was nineteen and the war was still in its victorious stages. The next year the air raids started and her baby was born in the middle of one of the worst. “Those were dreadful days and nights after that—the bombing and the fires. Even now I can never listen to the sound of dried autumn leaves blowing along the roads because that was the sound the first made in the wooden houses near the hospital.” She stared down the hill at the gilded trees and the distant glitter of the sea. “After I came home with my baby I used to see very few people. In those days people were so harsh about any foreign ideas that even if I were to read one of my English books on the train, people might denounce me for being a spy. I used to turn the dust covers of the books inside out and write Japanese titles on them so that people would not guess. You see I was already under suspicion because I had several foreign friends.”
We sat on top of the hill in the warm autumn sunshine, looking out at the coast and the little boats. She suddenly sprang up, and smiled at me in a wide friendly way. “After all,” she said, “in the end there is only this—the hills, the sea, and the lovely times of day.”
Upon return, Sakiko displays her many beautiful kimonos. She dresses Santha in a kimono, and, in return, is shown how to wear a sari.
Isn’t it curious,” she said, “how the customs of different countries can train you to think that this is seductive, or that is immodest. Here for instance, it is the back of a woman’s neck which is considered most seductive. In China, I am told, it is the feet, and a woman will not expose them except in the most intimate times. How is it in India?” “In some parts it is considered immodest to show your legs, but in other parts you drape your sari in such a way that the backs of your legs all the way to the knee are exposed. The orthodox Muslim women, of course, keep their faces veiled.” “Then there are some who find a woman’s long hair most seductive. In America it is the breasts, is it not?” “So one gathers,” I said.
"And in France?” “Well—“ I began uncertainly.
“But the French, I hear, are very reasonable people,” she interrupted, “perhaps it is by her character that they find a woman attractive?” “Yes,” I said quickly. “I’m sure that’s right.”
The day ends with a Japanese dinner in the Japanese part of the house, lots of sake to drink, and much singing and laughter.
My father who, I think, usually felt that chopsticks, raw fish and all this taking off and putting on of shoes was designed only to embarrass the foreigner, seemed interested and amused by a dinner party for the first time that I could remember. We drank to each other, to our respective countries. Sakiko kept filling up the little white porcelain wine cups. Altogether it seemed like the friendliest and easiest evening I had spent in Japan so far. There is a curious solidarity between Asians of which I had never been conscious until I went to Japan, and here I began to notice it in my own attitude, too. It is like having been at the same school with someone, however different your opinions may be. Finally Mr. Kishimoto, in his tired voice, said, “Let us drink to the prosperity and freedom of Asia.” For that toast we all stood up.
The Kishimotos arrange a day at the Takarazuka Girls’ Opera near Kobe and a tour of gardens and mansions in Kyoto, “a city untouched by war.” The visit to Kyoto ends with a dinner party given by another Japanese friend of her father, Mr. Kaku. It is in a famous old restaurant, and, except for Santha, for men only. It features entertainment by geisha, another new custom for her.
Until that time I had had the usual vague ill-informed idea of the geishas and their work. At dinner that evening I found that they were middle-aged women, not particularly beautiful but with a social assurance and dignity that was most unexpected. Mr. Kaku told me that the word
"geisha" means literally an "art person." The old tradition of the courtesans from which the present geisha system evolved, placed the emphasis on the art and intelligence of the woman rather than on her sexual appeal. A
trained geisha must be proficient in flower arranging, singing, dancing, conversation, the tea ceremony and writing, "which is the same as painting," said Mr. Kaku. "You will notice how often we hang a series of written
characters on our walls for the same pleasure as we get from a picture." They received a formal education and sometimes became the valued, behind-the-scenes advisors of statesmen.
"There are subsidiary arts, too," Mr. Kaku explained. "Conversation with men, for instance, is considered a separate art. In the old days, flower, and autumn-leaf viewing was considered most important and
indeed a special esthetic knowledge. Sometimes one would have moon-viewing
parties and in that, too, a geisha should be proficient."
Since the geishas are mainly entertainers they can choose their lovers to the degree that they are valuable as artists. A very great singer, for instance, cannot be bought because her income from her music,
from records, and public or private performances is great enough to give her
complete independence. All the great women artists were trained from among the geishas until now. "The system is decaying and so is much of the art," Mr. Kaku said. "It is a tragedy, do you not think? Can this democratic civilization be worth the loss of things that were great in our country? Even if democracy were suitable for Asians—and I am not sure that it is—it ought to be the kind of
democracy that would help us to preserve the best in our culture rather than to accept the second-best in somebody else's culture."
During the war the geishas worked in factories, and their hands, famous for their softness and beauty of gesture, became rough and unattractive. They had to sell their hair, so in many cases the elaborate characteristic coiffure of the geishas, with its loops and wings of highly
varnished hair, its combs and ornaments, is now replaced by either Western hair styles, by a knot at the nape of the neck, or if the geisha still attempts the traditional, a wig.
Besides the geishas there were four or five maikos brought in to entertain us. The maiko, literally "a dancing child," is twelve to fifteen in age, and there are now only thirty left in Kyoto. There used to
be two hundred before the war. They are a sort of apprentice geisha and get their education and training in art in the geisha house and under the protection of the older geishas. It is a system which seems to the Western mind rather shocking, yet compared with what some children can expect should
they stay with their very poor families or in the villages, it has its compensations.
In contrast with the simple sober-colored kimonos of the older geisha, the maiko wears brilliant silks with wide elaborate obis in gold and brocade. Her hair style is highly complicated. It takes several
hours to dress, then it is decorated with little tinkling ornaments, with silver and tinsel; combs with twisting, flashing sequins dangling from them, little bells, tiny fans and paper flowers can all be used. As I came into the restaurant they giggled and whispered with excitement, and as soon as I sat down all the little girls ignored the men guests and crowded around me to examine my sari and ask whether the jewelry I was wearing was Indian and to find out whether the gold in my brocade choli was real; to open my evening bag and with no embarrassment to examine the contents in great detail. They were called back to their work by the older geishas and, still chattering, picked up the bottles of sake and poured out the wine for the guests. During the evening I noticed that even the older geishas found opportunities to come to where I was sitting and asked me exactly the things that the maikos had wanted to know. "Only the Orient," one of them told me, "really understands materials."
The meal was a rather elaborate version of the usual Japanese
dinner—raw fish (tuna fish this time), eels, tempura-style fried prawn,
various sorts of pickles, fried mushrooms, two sorts of soup and rice. The geishas unobtrusively but most efficiently helped one to eat, saw that more was brought of any dish you particularly liked, took the bones out of the fish for you, kept your cup full of warmed wine, and made conversation on whatever subject you showed an interest in. Between courses they sang for us and danced the formal, slow-moving Japanese dances. The maikos did rather gayer dances than the geishas and seemed to enjoy themselves enormously. They didn't drink at all, and the geishas drank only if you insisted...
This particular dinner party ended with the recitation of short poems, especially the seventeen syllable haiku. Santha learns from Mr. Kaku that such poems have no rhymes,“connect with the season,” and leave“suitable room for interpretation.” The guests and geisha joined in the recitation of one identified as “the most famous of all poems.” In translation [without comment from Rama Rau]:
May the reign of the Emperor continue
For a thousand years and forever
Until the pebbles gather together and become rocks
And until moss grows over the rocks.
Upon returning to Tokyo, Rama Rau continues her exploration of the world of Japanese theater. Her guide to Kabuki is an American, Faubion Bowers, who had begun the Occupation as an aide to General MacArthur, was fluent in Japanese, and, as a civilian, had gravitated into the ranks of Occupation censors. His passion for Kabuki, dating back to his student days in Japan, 1940-41, led him to find ways to evade censorship and persuade Occupation authorities that it was time to allow a special production of the early 18th century drama, Chushingura (Treasury of Loyal Retainers). Through Bowers, Rama Rau meets famous actors, such as Kichiemon, and attends rehearsals. And, in time, Bowers will be her first husband (1951-1966) and father of her son. They shared similar views toward the ironies of the Western and Japanese empires in Asia. In the following segment, the date she refers to is probably October 1947, not December.
Throughout the winter in Tokyo I went to the kabuki theater a great deal and gradually I came to know the actors themselves and their families. It is an extraordinary society, rigid, insular, with a great tradition and an equal consciousness of it. Their distinction is enormous and so is their inability to compromise. With them, how low you bow, the phrasing of your sentences, the degree of your deference to your elders, and your respect for artistic attainment can make you welcome or ignored. Brought up in the theater, and with dramatic perfection as their highest purpose, they pattern their lives and thinking to a large extent on the
convention, principles and old-fashioned behavior of the kabuki characters.
Kichiemon and his family adopted me and provided my introduction to the rest of the kabuki circle partly because they had met me through Faubion whom they had known since before the war and who, Kichiemon
told me very seriously, "saved the Japanese theater from the ruin that would have befallen it under foreign governments and the inexplicable conditions in Japan today"; and partly, too, because he felt that as I was Indian, in some vague way I represented the religion which was so important in his
life. With Seiko, Kichiemon and Faubion, who practically lived in the theater anyway, I used to sit for hours watching rehearsals. In the empty, unheated auditorium, shivering and wrapped in coats and blankets, I watched
the young actors receive direction from their masters. During the performances Seiko and I sat together and saw the great men and their young proteges acting against the beautifully constructed scenery, in their fantastic and rich costumes.
In the early part of that December, whenever I saw the kabuki actors and Faubion, they were immersed in long discussions about the forthcoming performances of Chushingura, the most famous of the kabuki play cycles. It is the story of the forty-seven retainers, who decide to avenge the treachery that made their lord commit suicide. In its entirety the play
takes two days to perform because various of the forty-seven retainers have to be followed through exile and conspiracy to kill the wicked noble who engineered the death of their lord. All the best actors of both the older and younger generations were to take part in it, even old Baigyoku, whom I had seen in my first kabuki play, was to come up from Osaka to act in Chushingura.
Until that time, Chushingura had been banned by the Occupation authorities, and it was only after a struggle of months that Faubion had finally managed to get it approved. Occasionally, during that
time, I would find him in Kichiemon's dressing room sitting back on his
heels like a Japanese and lecturing furiously about the stupidity of the censorship policy. "The idiocy of it!" he would say. "Can you imagine?—they want to suppress it because it is a 'revenge play,' so it will give the Japanese ideas. Hamlet is a revenge play, too. Do you
want to rush out and murder your uncle when you've seen it? But then," he added bitterly, "the British aren't a defeated nation, so I suppose it's all right for them to have undemocratic ideas."
"Calm yourself," Kichiemon said. "You present these arguments the wrong way. You should tell them that the principle is wrong; one should not interfere with a classic art. Let them," he waved his hand grandly, "censor the modern theater if they wish."
Faubion began to laugh. "Really, you are sweet. I can just
see those army colonels worrying about classic art."
"One has," said Kichiemon as though Faubion hadn't spoken, "to know the history of Japan and of kabuki, the lines of the play, and one has to understand the minds of the Japanese seeing the play. Do any of the people making your policies know all that?"
"Of course not. Does any colonizer understand the people he
tries to colonize? You can only be a successful colonist if you believe that
your civilization, culture, religion, way of life—anything—are superior. The minute you start to understand the other people you are no longer sure."
"Exactly," Kichiemon said. "That is the paradox at the heart
of this Occupation. So you see, my dear Faubion, you must explain it to them
in their terms. These plays are a protest against bushido; there is always
the cry against the samurai in kabuki. Remember, these plays were written by
commoners whose enemies were the samurai. Of course they were fascinated by their lives; who is not interested in kings and queens and nobles? Before the war our government tried to forge kabuki into a weapon for their side by deleting lines and suppressing plays. Now, by doing the same things you show yourselves no better than the government which you claim were your enemies."
As Christmas approaches, the winter term ends at the Freedom School, and Rama Rau says her farewells to Mrs. Hani. She gives us insight into the observance of the holiday in Japan and the round of parties with the Allied “Younger Set.” We meet also an American friend named Clare, identified as a journalist [who in fact may be a composite of more than one American woman]. Christmas attractions included the visiting Takarazuka Girls’ Opera and the Class A War Crimes Trials.
Christmas in Tokyo was marked by a slightly more hysterical pace to the parties, new clothes sent out from America, crowds at the P.X. fingering the cheap lacquer and porcelain in the hope of finding presents that all the rest of the Occupation would not already have seen. The embassies gave dances and sent each other dwarf trees, orchids, bunches of flowers, and thanked each other politely three times a day when they met at some entertainment or other. It had snowed a few days before Christmas and
the parks were still dazzling and white. It was cold enough so that the snow along the gutters of the street had not turned into slush but stayed crisp, with only a black edging of soot. The Japanese with scarlet cheeks scurried about always in their dark winter clothes. Since none of the public
buildings, theaters, restaurants or private homes was heated, they remained perpetually in their outdoor things.
Among the foreigners in Tokyo as part of the Occupation and the diplomatic missions, I had many acquaintances and relatively few friends. Among those few were Jean de Selancy, military attache to the
French Embassy, whose sweeping charm and intelligence would have made him very popular even if he hadn't been certainly the best-looking man in Tokyo. Centering on him was Tokyo's "Younger Set," and all that winter we met at parties or went for drives into the beautiful snowy countryside. Faubion
moved in and out of this circle in his usual absent way, taking no trouble to hide the scorn he felt for many of the foreigners in Japan, and always returning with relief to his beloved actors and their theater.
Clare Harris, another addition to the Younger Set, I met under slightly different circumstances. I came back to the hotel one evening to find a tall, blonde American wearing that basic black dress that the magazines tell you about, and tapping a pencil on a notebook with every sign of impatience. "I," she said, "was supposed to interview your father but he came in for a moment, said you would be back directly, and has vanished."
Clare, it turned out, was a journalist working in the Public
Relations Office of the government. She never did interview my father, but meanwhile she and I became friends. Several things about Clare interested me. First there was her great competence and tough-mindedness about her work which, to somebody like me who is lazy and erratic in her writing, seemed
almost miraculous.
Another of her attributes was the extraordinary talent that so many American women seem to have of meticulous grooming. That disinfected, flawlessly exact look is something I have always envied and
never managed to achieve. She knew all kinds of little tricks about how to make stockings last longer, or how to dance with a man shorter than yourself, or how to give yourself a face pack when you have only five minutes to spare. She had the American girl's delight in small luxuries—little silk bags of sachet for her clothes, or a
massage—combined with considerable money sense.
Clare's reading taste seemed to me perhaps stranger than anything. She read dozens of newspapers and magazines every day; one would often find her in the Ernie Pyle Library wearing horn-rimmed glasses, and
flipping through everything from "Harper's" to "Popular Mechanics." She never
read novels, which she considered a waste of time, but worked her way through every new book that came out about politics, by schoolteachers, newspapermen, radio commentators or even politicians, and seemed to retain the facts she got from them. No minute of her day was wasted. Even her
fifteen minutes of relaxation before she went out in the evenings were spent under a sun lamp because she knew that her long blonde hair and straight features made her only pretty, but the contrast of the tan made her
prettiness arresting.
The Takarazuka Girls' Opera had come to Tokyo for Christmas and Clare and I went to it quite frequently. Their repertoire for the Christmas season ranged from operas like "Manon Lescaut" through "A Midsummer Night's Dream" to original musical comedies complete with tap dancing, swing
tunes and chorus lines. They, and the other shows at the Nichigeki, Tokyo's permanent vaudeville theater, provided a curious contrast to the classical theater of Japan in which the ban on actresses is so severe and deeply rooted.
In Christmas week the trial of Hideki Tojo came on at the War
Crimes Tribunal. It was almost considered part of the Christmas attractions
of Tokyo and for the first time I saw the visitors' galleries crowded by
people wanting to hear the cross-examination. Clare and I watched one day of
the trial. Tojo was an unimpressive-looking man, small, with a bad posture,
his curious egg-shaped head was shaved and he wore heavy glasses and a
shabby army uniform.
I could not help thinking that the War Crimes Tribunal was one of the most expensive and futile projects the Occupation had embarked on. As mountains of evidence were produced, as secretaries sorted it, filed it, mimeographed it, as the judges considered it and the lawyers fought over it, only one thing remained clear.
Nobody—not the Allies nor the Axis, not the democratic leaders nor the
Fascist ones—had a clean record.
There was something infinitely frustrating about these trials. Partly, I think, because of the clumsy cross-examination. The long, involved, heavily sarcastic questions were almost incomprehensible in English and after their passage through the wearying machinery of
translation and interpretation must have been even more confusing to the Japanese spectators. Partly, too, because one considered the years that this thing had been dragging on, the complete boredom on the faces of the accused sitting day after day in their box. The Japanese people themselves had long since made their judgment on their leaders. These men were failures; that
was enough to condemn them.
I was reminded of a conversation I had had with a Japanese
some time before about the trials in which I had expressed my surprise at the lack of feeling among the Japanese about their leaders, their easy shift in loyalty from Tojo to MacArthur. I was thinking of the scenes one read about at Nuremberg, the tears, the crowds, the bitterness, the publicity, joy, satisfaction—everything, but anyway feeling.
"Do you think," I asked finally, "that they should be shot?"
After a minute's thought the Japanese answered, "I don't think it matters how they die."
Tojo showed more spirit than most of them. He had a good resonant voice and was clearly answering questions for the benefit of the Japanese spectators in the galleries and the reports that would appear in the Japanese papers—not for the sake of the trial records. He knew that he had no chance of surviving, so he was concerned not with defending himself but with defending the system and the Emperor. Most of his answers
were acute and impressive. In reply to the accusation that he had treated with the Vichy Government, knowing that it was the instrument of Hitler, he didn't bother with the obvious reply, "So did you." Instead he looked up to the gallery and said, "It was supposed to be the legitimate and recognized
government of France, just as the present government of Japan is legitimate and recognized even though it is under the Americans."
One point came up that was clearly beyond the comprehension of the prosecution, but apparently made complete sense to the Japanese. An extract from Kido's (Kido K?iehi, Lord Privy Seal, Chief Advisor to Emporer Hirohito) diary was quoted in which he said that the Emperor had
described Tojo's part in the Indo-China incident as that of "a thief at a fire." With no attempt to defend himself, Tojo very angrily said that it was the lowest possible language and he could not believe that the Emperor ever used a phrase like that.
At intervals throughout the cross-examination the big floodlights were turned on to illuminate the witness box, the prosecutor, and the judges' bench. Cameras turned, movies were taken, stenographers took
down the questions and answers word for word. One day it would all be history, and I did not envy the schoolchildren who would be expected to make sense of it.
Afterward I heard that Tojo's family who had fled to their old home in Kyushu where they lived in obscurity and disgrace, unable to get food and ostracized by the villagers, were suddenly deluged with presents after accounts of Tojo's cross-examination appeared in the papers. Food was
piled high on their doorstep and their neighbors came to call.
After the Christmas holidays, Sir Rama Rau is able to move into a new house with a large staff, but daughter Santha finds it daunting to organize and run the place efficiently. She enjoys outings with Clare and Faubion and continues to meet fascinating Japanese, including a female Kabuki dancer and a divorced career woman.
Clare was writing an article for an American magazine on the women of Japan and asked me if I would like to go with her on some of the interviews. She was after another of those American dreams of hers, a
"cross-section of the women in Tokyo." At one end of the poll was the wife of Japan's communist party, herself a leader in it, Mrs. Nozaka, who told us about her work in the women's labor movement before the war, then her sixteen-year exile and her return to women's work in Occupied Japan. At the other end there were interviews with vaudeville dancers who chatted about jazz and clothes. In between were the government workers, journalists and so on, and gradually I began to build up a picture of that new phenomenon of postwar Japan—the career girl. Perhaps the most typical was Kumiko Nomura, a journalist on one of the Tokyo dailies. With her short hair, big glasses and Western clothes, she might easily have been a Greenwich Village intellectual. She had, she explained, given up her kimono and Japanese
sandals in favor of dresses and slacks because she found them much more convenient for her chasing about town after stories.
We saw her several times and she seemed quite unembarrassed at talking about herself. "My mother," she told us once, "used to tell me when I was a child, 'It is a great misfortune to both you and me, Kumiko, that you are a girl. Your days of happiness will be few. Build for yourself another life to which you can retire when the need comes.'"
"Did the need come?" Clare asked.
"Do you not see?" Kumiko said, spreading out her hands. "My mother was right, and now I work on a newspaper."
She took us out to Kawana one afternoon to meet her mother who lived there in seclusion, a bitter, silent woman; she was miserable and disappointed in her marriage, and since her husband's death had scarcely
left the house, but spent her time studying the Japanese classics and looking after Kumiko's six-year-old son. Kumiko shared a room in Tokyo with another family and consequently had no place to keep the child. From her earnings she sent her mother money for the child and for food, and the rest
of her income went to keep herself alive.
In spite of her mother's protests Kumiko had been married when she was eighteen to a young businessman. Her mother, who had insisted that Kumiko be brought up with the nearest approximation to a Western
education available in Japan before the war, had sent her to stay with American missionaries for four months out of every year. "She was certain," Kumiko told us, "that my marriage too would fail, and wanted me to have resources of my own so that I would not have the unhappy old age that she
has. You know, Japanese girls were all taught, 'When you are young, obey your father; when you are older, obey your husband; in your old age, obey your son.' So when my father arranged for me to marry this man I could not say no. I had met him, but I did not know him well. His family was afraid
that I had 'modern' ideas, so they insisted that the full ceremonies be observed."
Kumiko was dressed in a white kimono for the early part of her wedding day because white is the color of mourning and from that day on she must consider herself dead to her family. Later in the day she wore a red kimono—the color of joy—to symbolize the fact that she was being born into a new family. Finally she was dressed in a ceremonial black kimono for the actual service. Before she left her parents' house she was presented with a small dagger, a remnant of the old custom that a bride
should kill herself rather than face the disgrace of returning to her own family if she were unhappy with her husband.
"When I left, my mother's eyes were swollen with weeping, and I wept, too. She said to me, 'Kumiko, this is the most tragic day day of my life,' and I didn't want to leave her. My husband's family were most shocked that we weren't more joyous.
"That night I was so tired—and especially so hungry—that I didn't know what to do. You see, I just didn't know my husband well enough to tell him that I had not eaten all day and I was too embarrassed to ask for a sandwich on my wedding night."
After Kumiko's baby was born, she was left at home to look after him while her husband spent more and more time away.
"Everybody—all my friends—knew who his mistresses were and where he kept them. I was so ashamed." As the war progressed, Kumiko's husband was taken into the army, her small house in Tokyo was burned, and she sent her son to her
mother and decided to get a job. "I knew my husband would disapprove so I didn't tell him, and as he was away he didn't find out at first." During the war, with so many of the men away, the newspapers had been prepared to take on women, and Kumiko had found a job writing for the women's section of a paper. At first, all she was allowed to write were sugar-saving recipes and suggestions for austerity menus for housewives. Gradually she worked her way on to a different type of reporting, and finally she wrote feature pieces for the paper.
As a result of the changes in law made by the Occupation government, she was able to get a divorce. Never before had women in Japan been able to divorce their husbands. "My son," she said, "will conduct his marriage in a different manner..."
It is soon February 1948, and the terrible news comes of Gandhi’s assassination. In discussing the tragedy, the subject of wars, empire, and conquest comes up again.
On February 2, we heard of the death of Mahatma Gandhi, and at once began the streams of reporters and people coming to call, to ask questions and to offer condolences. All that day there had been no time to eat, and by the time Kumiko who was writing a piece about the tragedy, came
it was quite late in the evening, so she and I sat down to some tea and toast together.
"We Japanese had a great regard for your leader, Mahatma Gandhi. He is a great loss to our country, too," Kumiko said.
The shock of the tragedy, the personal loss which all Indians felt, and the questions and confusion of the day had left me exhausted. I replied more shortly than I normally would have, "I really don't know why
that should be true. His first principle, you may remember, was nonviolence."
Kumiko, deeply hurt, smiled in a fixed, tense way. "It is a principle that we, as Buddhists, understand very well. Another of his great principles was freedom for Asia."
"Yes. And was that what brought him close to Japanese hearts?"
With great seriousness she said, "That was what brought him close to our hearts."
"Oh heavens!" I said, in final exasperation. "Wars and murder, conquests and concentration camps, people dead, and people wounded, and everybody poorer and the world unable to right itself for ages afterward—why do we all have to pretend that we have God on our sides when we do these things? Why must we always say it was for freedom or some such thing? Why can't you, Kumiko, be honest and say it was for economic gain, or because you had to, or from fear—"
"Almost all one's actions are from fear, I think. We were afraid of fighting, but other fears, stronger fears, made us fight. But you," she said calmly and furiously, "an Indian, you should understand what we did. You, at last, have your freedom in your country, and you are the first nation in Asia to do that. But the rest of us? Are we not in chains? The Dutch, the French, the British rule Asia. In China the Americans try to build up their idea of a 'good government' with billions of dollars. Siam is so small, and every Western nation has a share in her government. And now we, the last to be subjugated, are a conquered nation, too. Oh," she said painfully and in despair, as though it was an old sore, "if only you
had helped us..."
"You should be thankful," I said, sounding like a governess, "that you are occupied by the Americans. They are doing more to set your country on its feet than you could ever have done."
"But," she said, surprised into pleasantness, "that's not what I was talking about. You know I am thankful for some things under the Occupation, just as I hated other things under the old system. But that's not the point at all. I was talking about Asia and its freedom. Look at the
movements that have started now, since the war, in Indo-China, Indonesia, in Malaya and Burma, didn't we organize them, arm them, lead them to 'democracy'?" She put the word in verbal quotation marks. "It was only
possible for them—weak countries—to fight their conquerors after they had seen the white men beaten. Beaten by Asians, working for Asians—that was when their prestige vanished and the subject peoples
had morale enough to revolt. That is why you should have helped us. After the war," she finished quietly, "the 'democracies' returned those nations to their foreign rulers. Like all wars, it ends in mysteries. . . ." She picked up her tea cup. "Come, let us drink to Asia's freedom. It is what Mahatma Gandhi would have wanted, I am sure."
By then, Santha and her friends Faubion, Clare, and Jean are discussing a trip to Indo-China, Siam, Malaya and Indonesia. It means that Faubion and Clare must quit the Occupation and Jean ask for a three-month leave from the French liaison mission. Santha’s mother arrives in the spring, takes over the household, and soon has it running properly and happily. As the book continues, the friends begin the trip, adding China to their tour schedule. One or two highlights of the journey, 1948-49, are relevant to the Japan story as well. In early 1949, they arrive in Saigon, which had been reoccupied by the French following the war and to Santha was “a complete French provincial town.” She has trouble buying a book on the history of Indo-China and finally meets an Annamese woman, Madame Francine, whose husband is in the Resistance movement in the Viet Minh area. She envies India for breaking free of the British; for Vietnan, the struggle against French rule remains.
I told her that my mother was particularly interested in the Women's Movement and had made me promise to find out something about what women worked at in Saigon.
"But that is very hard. How can we work here? The Women's Movement is in Viet Minh area. We are so carefully watched that we must confine our activities. We know from experience that reprisals for activity
can be very terrible."
"Would you tell me something about yourself? Your name, for instance, is French. Are you partly French?"
She looked at me amused as though I had committed a social error. "No, naturally that is not my real name. I have no French blood. I went to scool here in Saigon. At school all the Annamese girls are compelled to take French names. My own was Francine. Since the time when my husband
has been in the free area I have reverted to this name because it is not safe to carry his name in Saigon. But," she continued, covering up my ineptness, "it is not surprising that you think I am partly French. I had to
go to France to complete my studies, my husband and I are both lawyers. We were practicing together here before the war."
"Do you continue your practice now?"
"How is it possible now to practice law? One must have the possibility of justice, don't you think?" She shrugged her shoulders.
"Did you like France while you were studying there?"
"Certainly. Paris was wonderful and beautiful and the French
in France are the most tolerant people in the world. The difficulties come when we return. What do we know of our own country? Can we read our own literature? I can tell you the number of kisses Napoleon gave Josephine, but what do I know of my own history?"
"And you and your husband joined the Resistance Movement during the war?"
"Yes, like so many of us. It was not, you see, merely that the French had been defeated by the Japanese. We had seen them collaborate and work with them here. Then after that when the old tyranny came back, it was too much."
"One is told here that this is a Communist movement—or anyway Communist-inspired. Your leader for instance—"
She broke in passionately, "How tired I am of that word!
Certainly Ho Chih Minh is a Communist. I am a Catholic and so is my husband. Could we find common cause with the Communists except on the fundamental issues such as our liberties? Of course there are Communists in the
movement—that is no secret—but if you see us fighting side by side with them, is it not because the movement is primarily Nationalist and therefore concerns all the people of Indo-China whatever their individual coloring? The French will tell you we are all Communists. Stupid people on
the Viet Minh side will tell you that none of us are. I will not insult your intelligence by telling you that both are wrong. All parties are represented but believe me this is a Nationalist not a Communist movement."
Madame Francine shows Rama Rau photos of a jailed Catholic priest, Vietnamese children learning their language and history “for the fist time,” and children in jails for helping the resistance.
She showed me atrocity pictures. "These stories you will not
find in the newspapers," she said. "These are the villages burned by the French, those are the bodies of those who died under torture. Here is a girl who was raped and killed, and if you need further proof, here is a picture
of a French soldier—you recognize the uniform?—with a Viet girl he has just stripped. Afterward she was raped—one of many in that village. The man who took this picture was shot. I do not show you these things to shock and horrify you. Atrocities there are in every war but we must realize
that they happen on both sides. Perhaps one is not responsible for one's actions in war—one is only responsible for the purpose—the morality if you wish. In this case and in this fight the morality is with us."
Clare shops in Saigon while Faubion attended the theatre.
This question of colonialism kept coming up in the conversation and gradually we began to understand the curious combination of characteristics that made the French the worst colonizers in the world and
at the same time the most appealing and the most liberal. So deep is their delight in their own culture and so firmly convinced are they that it is the greatest and has the most to offer to other people that many of them seemed genuinely to consider a demand for independence from the people of Indo-China as ridiculous. They felt that the subject peoples were amply rewarded by their access to French culture, by the fact that when they go to France they have the full privileges of the French citizens and French passports and on the whole a fairly easy interchange on a social level.
After visiting Thailand, Rama Rau and her friends spend four months in Indonesia, a time when they all change. Because of the ferocity of the Indonesian resistance movement against the Dutch, they go to Bali and stay in a village hotel at Ubud. Santha continues to experience Asianization and to hear Asians express concerns about Westernization and the difficulty of throwing off the rule of white men.
For me Indonesia was my first experience of what I think is a healthy society. In all the months of travel through Asia—superficial as my observations had been—I had retained an impression of the growing consciousness of being Asian that was accompanying the death of colonialism in Asia. In Bali, for the first time, I felt myself a part of that Asian identity, and acquired a greater confidence in our way of life.
At the end of the stay, in July, Rama Rau remarks:
The story, as in all Southeast Asia, was the same. After the Japanese were defeated there was a brief period of freedom for the Indonesians, and then the Dutch returned with arms and troops calmly
prepared to take back the colony they had lost. It came as something of a surprise to them that even to the "lovable, childlike Balinese" this was a little too much. For several months there was fierce resistance from them, but eventually superior force triumphed and Bali was again subdued. But to
this day the Dutch will tell you with a note of warning, "Scratch a Balinese and you will find a savage." I repeated that remark to MadŽ Jawi, and he burst out laughing and said, "But one does not even have to scratch a Dutchman!"
Ubud, like most villages, had its various individual representatives of different ways of thinking. There was the village rake, known for his gambling and spendthrift ways, whom all the girls rather
liked, and were rather afraid of. There was the village beauty, Sayu Made Rai, the village scholar, the fast young woman of the village, and so on. Anak Agung Anom was the village radical. Clare had made friends with him because she said he was "politically conscious"—a rare thing, we had
thought, in Ubud.
We had first met him when he sat next to Faubion during a
football game and started asking him questions which showed considerable
knowledge and canniness. Faubion, who is always in something of a haze over politics, was rather lost.
Anak Agung Anom said, "You have just been traveling through China and Japan?"
"Yes."
"All Japanese conquests taken away and the land turned to their owners?"
"Yes."
"But not to their real owners."
Faubion was silent, thinking of Indonesia, Malaya, Indo-China.
Finally, it is time for the trip to end and the friends to go their separate ways. On the return trip through Jakarta, they meet President Sukarno, no doubt because Rama Rau's uncle had pled the cause of Indonesian independence in speeches at the United Nations. Faubion’s parting words mark a fitting end to the journey. What he could not imagine at the time was the enormous explosion in East Asian Studies at American universities in the 1950s and after. Japan, the former enemy, and China, the new enemy, would be no longer merely “Oriental,” but rather sites of serious intellectual recognition, teaching, and research. But not at all American schools and universities. The need to study and respect the rest of the world and to learn languages and cultures remains a challenge and an obligation in the early twenty-first century.
Faubion made a little speech which is as good a thing as any to finish with. He said, "We may not have seen very much, and we may not have learned very
much, but I do know that I've been left with a lot of questions. Why is there, in the West, such an extraordinary ignorance about Asia? Why is no Asian history taught in schools except as advanced and optional
courses?
"Why is it that foreigners who come to Asia, except for a few students and researchers, never see fit to learn any Oriental language? Not that language is the end of one's problems, but one can scarcely begin on an understanding until something of the language is mastered. As Alit used to
tell us, we are surrounded by a miasma of fears about Asia—of unpredictable violence from colored races, of, a different standard of honesty, an uncomfortable distrust of their motives and loyalties.
"If an American goes to France, he knows at least the names of French historical figures, even if he remembers nothing of their story. But in Asia he has none of that half-conscious familiarity with names and places. You people," he said, turning to me, "account for half the world's
population, thousands of years of the world's civilized history, yet most of the other half of the world knows nothing about you except a few incoherent and inaccurate fantasies." He stopped abruptly. "The world," he said,
parodying his previous tone, "is growing bigger every day."
.........................
References
Rama Rau, Santha. East of Home. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1950.
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