SILK WORKERS' STRUGGLE AGAINST THE SLAVERY OF MODERN FEUDALISM IS REAL CAUSE FOR OMI SILK STRIKE
by Abe Shin’ichi, June 1954
Ed.'s Note: Newspaper coverage of the Omi Silk Mills strike, June to September 1954, was fairly extensive. Abe Shin’ichi was a staff writer for the English language Mainichi (Daily News), which had recently moved its man office from Osaka to Tokyo. His column, a searing critique of postwar Japanese labor and management relations, is a reflection of public sympathy for the strikers, the bulk of whom were young women. To him, human rights were at the core of the dispute. Capitalism was on trail.
What is the background of the dispute currently raging at the Omi Silk-Reeling Co.? What are the factors that account for the "uniqueness" of the strike? How is it different from labor disagreements in other industries?
The “uniqueness” comes from the fact that it is a battle between humanism and feudalism; it is a struggle in the form of a labor dispute directed against a company of pre-capitalistic background and thinking.
To better understand the picture, it is necessary to trace the history of the company which, despite the capitalistic structure, is basically a privately projected operation on the principle of the feudalistic family system.
The Omi Silk-Reeling Co. was established in 1917 with a capital of ¥500,000. The soil where seed was planted was extremely fertile, allowing the exploitation of kinship groups. The district of Omi is an area known for feudalistic mercantilism It is a district where many a business now fluirishing in the Kansai area had originated as family projects during the turn of the present century.
The backbone of the Omi-Silk Reeling, it can be said, assumes the characteristics of this legacy with which businessmen in the past built their fortune, to later establish a strong foothold in the commercial center of the nation, Osaka, and in the adjacent areas.
Indeed, the business instinct which provided the basic spring board for “modern” industries of contemporary Japan, it seems, is still alive in the sprit of the Omi Silk management. It is against this historic background with a modern appearance that the workers of the company have revolted.
During the Pacific War, the company made remarkable progress through production of parachutes and parts of aircraft under the protection of military authorities.
After the war, the company steadily expanded business and is now regarded as the contender to challenge the empire of the “Big Ten” spinners of the nation—Dai-Nippon, Toyo, Shikishima, Daiwa, Kurashiki, Kureha, Kanegafuchi, Fuji, Nisshin, and Nitto.
The capital, in the meantime, was increased to ¥8-million in 1943, ¥30-million in 1950, and ¥500,000-million in 1952.
At present, the company is capitalized at ¥1-billion, and has 13,750 employees at its main office in Osaka, two branch offices in Tokyo and Nagoya, and eight factories in seven cities—Hikone, Nagahama, Kishiwada, Ogaki, Nakatsu, Fujinomiya and Tsu.
The board of directors is mostly occupied by members of the Natsukawa Family, headed by Kikuji Natsukawa, President of the company.
The posts of managing director and directors in charge of supply and business are held by three brothers of the president, while his relatives are acting as foremen of the factories.
Thirty eight per cent of the stocks are in the hands of the president and his relatives, including the three brothers.
The employees are compelled to, recite Buddha's teachings every night before retiring. The practice, as forced upon by the management, is similar to Angelus. The employees are to express their satisfaction for the "good day that has passed" and thank Buddha.
Once a week, boarding employees have to assemble at the dormitory and chant Buddhist sutras before the mortuary tablets of the family of President Natsukawa.
The boarding workers that day are prohibited either from going out of the dormitory or from remaining at their rooms.
President Natsukawa insists that a married life is incompatible with a working life. He believes marriage decreases the efficiency of employees.
While he has never forced employees not to marry, the employees are transferred to other places as soon as they are married. Due to the current housing shortage, they cannot live with the family. When they find new houses and are ready to move in with the wives they are retransferred at once.
The actual working hours are more than 10 hours a day. Still worse, the overtime allowances are not sufficient. Outside the working hours, the boarding workers are forced to engage in various tasks such as land readjustment work for construction of new factories.
Considering the fact that most of the employees are inmates the problem of the overtime services is quite grave.
As the company has adopted the union shop system, the management can discharge employees by taking procedures to expel them from the union which is under the control of the management.
The compulsion of the overtime services is also carried out under the pretext of a “voluntary” basis.
It would be noticeable that the No. 1 union is not federated and is a completely independent organization. The trade unions of the so-called Big Ten are affiliated with the National Federation of Fiber Industry Workers Unions (Zensen-i).
Consequently, Zerisen-i and its mother organization, the Japan Trade Union Congress (Zenro) aligned with the Rightist Socialists are positively helping the No. 2 union.
The General Council of Trade Onions of Japan (Sohyo) aligned with the Leftist Socialists also shows a sympathetic attitude to the No. 2 union.
To cope with the situation, President. Natsukawa, who had been on an inspection tour in Europe, immediately came back and has locked opt each factory.
Since then, scuffles have broken out several times between the members of the No. 2 union and those temporarily hired by the management, injuring more than 130 persons. However, no possibility for an early settlement is in sight as the management is positive in denying the "facts" pointed out by the union.
Young, workers of school age are denied any opportunities to go to the school of their choice. The only institution they are allowed to study at is the Omi High School which is run by the company. While the management vigorously denies it, the fact remains that once the workers are enrolled in other schools they are either discharged or transferred to other plants, a fact which precludes continuation of schooling at the institutions of their preference.
The management is in no way ready to recognize the No. 2 union which is “belligerent and hostile” to the management. For the Management, Zensen-I, which supports the No. 2 union, is a “bitter enemy” of Omi Silk.
It is on the report that when the management attempted to establish a Japanese-Pakistani joint corporation in Pakistan in 1952, Zensen-I bitterly opposed the project. At that time, Zensen-I strongly emphasized that the Omi Silk-Reeling is “notorious” for exploiting workers in defiance of the Labor Standards Law. The project was frustrated to the chagrin of the management.
Still worse, the company at that time was adversely criticized by the nation’s spinning industry circles because the company tried to start business in the “sterling area” dominated by Britain which is competing with the Japanese industry.
This means that Omi Silk is isolated from the nation’s management camps. The company’s management charges that the current dispute is to be regarded as manifesting the "conspiracy" of the 10 big spinning companies.
The management considers that the struggle of the No. 2 union is supported not only by labor but also by the management of the Big 10.
Be that as it may, it is a well known fact that the company has violated the Labor Standards Law more than 147 tinges during the Period from February in 1948 until August in 1953.
Attaching, serious importance to the labor dispute at this time, the Government is making a strict investigation of the case. The Houses of Representatives and Councilors have also started their own investigation.
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Reference
Abe, Shin’ichi. “Silk Workers' Struggle Against The Slavery of Modern Feudalism Is Real Cause For Omi Silk Strike,” The Mainichi (Daily News), Tokyo, June 24, 1954.
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