- Series
- Special of the week
- Air Date
- Duration
- 00:30:00
- Episode Description
- Series Description
- Subject(s)
- Creator(s)
- Contributors
- Genre(s)
- Geographic Region(s)
- regions
- Time Period
- 1961-1970
[00:18 - 00:22]
NBER the national educational radio network presents
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special of the week from WGA you see the radio station of
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the University of Cincinnati.
[00:29 - 00:34]
A panel discussion on the Chicago Seven trial heard originally by
[00:34 - 00:39]
listeners to the U.S. forum moderated by Dr. Campbell Crockett.
[00:39 - 00:44]
The reason why we're going to be talking about this I suppose is
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obvious. It has elicited a great deal of interest
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in the country and Cincinnati and at the university.
[00:53 - 00:59]
Some of the principal persons in this drama have
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been at Cincinnati in the recent past.
[01:02 - 01:07]
Mr. Counselor one of the defense attorneys spoke here a week or so ago
[01:07 - 01:12]
and Jerry Rubin one of the defendants was a student at the University of
[01:12 - 01:17]
Cincinnati. One of the things that has intrigued me about the trial
[01:17 - 01:22]
and the aftermath is the extremes of
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positions and feelings with respect to it.
[01:26 - 01:31]
For some people as I listen to the Judge Hoffman seems to
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represent the last fortress of American freedom
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the American way of life is regarded as a hero by some.
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To others however he is the principal villain in this piece
[01:46 - 01:51]
and is regarded as one who has in effect obstructed the
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cause of freedom and democracy. Well
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here to discuss the Chicago trial some of its meanings and some of our
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feelings and prejudices about it are professors
[02:06 - 02:11]
Bill Hamrick from the English department and Professor Dan beaver from the
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history department to get us started Dan and since you
[02:16 - 02:21]
are a professor of history why don't you give us a kind of brief recap
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of the hour the trial in terms of your information about it.
[02:26 - 02:28]
Thanks Campbell.
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Well the roots of the Chicago trial go back to the
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Democratic convention. One thousand sixty eight. Late summer in
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1968 when people came into Chicago
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from all over the country in an attempt some said to
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influence the decision of the Democratic convention to
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protest the way in which the United States had been pursuing its foreign
[02:57 - 03:02]
policy objectives to protest the internal
[03:02 - 03:06]
structure of the United States and perhaps
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to persuade the Chicago police to do what it seems that they
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did and that is create an incident of both national and
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international significance.
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There are some who say also that the attempt was made.
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Primarily to bring all political institutions a political
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process of the United States itself into a
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absurd confrontation with a group
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of people outside the political establishment.
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At the end of the Chicago affair that admittedly was
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loud noisy and brutal but not terribly bloody.
[03:54 - 03:59]
A decision or at least the beginnings of a decision were made
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in Washington and that is that the
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men who allegedly had brought the riot about in
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Chicago were to be brought to trial under an amendment to
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the 968 Civil Rights Act the so-called Rap Brown Amendment.
[04:18 - 04:25]
The whole situation though became very confusing very fluid after
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November because of the defeat of the Democrats and the entry
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of a new administration into Washington. Apparently the
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decision was made to prosecute by Attorney General
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Mitchell and the
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so called instigators were brought to trial in Chicago for two
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things. First conspiracy
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and second for crossing state lines in order to incite
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to riot. Now the thing of that
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that interests me here is that.
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Well it's seems as if these these people did they did
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conspire and they did cross state lines and order a side to riot.
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But everybody knows everybody in the legal profession at least knows that this is the hardest possible thing to
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prove legally as conspiracy so obviously
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there was something else involved besides just the simple fact of bringing people to trial to try to
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get justice. And so what we find confronting each other in
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Chicago over a period of months are three
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fundamental positions. One and this is just a personal
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opinion I don't think any of us know really what was going on very
[05:55 - 05:59]
much. One of the alleged conspirators
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whose objective even during the
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so-called riots was to bring the institutions of the United
[06:10 - 06:15]
States into contempt if you will and to reveal
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the destructive nature of these institutions.
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Second the federal authority. Who is
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object in my mind at least was to use the courts and use the law
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a patently in in my opinion patently unconstitutional law especially in the
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conspiracy areas. To harass.
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Over a long term basis and to use up the resources of radical
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organizations. So here you have two groups confronting each
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other.
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The agents of the executive branch and a group
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of anti establishment establishment Ariens
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both of whom want to use a particular institution of the United States
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government in order to harass each other.
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That institution of course is the court system and the whole
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idea of the law to use the law to harass each other.
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At this point and in the third institution and that is the law that can seize of
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itself as independent of the executive branch most certainly not an agent of the
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executive branch and most certainly independent and in
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a judging Capet relationship with the conspirators.
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And here course enter Also Judge Hoffman Judge
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Hoffman who I suspect I don't know I can't see in a man's mind this way but I
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know a few judges who conceives of himself as as very
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much the representative not of the government but the representative of the law.
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And here the law is under attack here the law is
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within at least and it has the possibility of being rendered absurd.
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And Hoffman the whole series of inept actions
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plays into the hands of the two groups of people.
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We're most interested in in using him now I could be I'm
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giving more jobs often than he deserves and it could be I'm giving more to the
[08:31 - 08:36]
conspiratorial than they deserve. But this is my mind
[08:36 - 08:41]
this is a confrontation. Radical anti-establishment Tarion forces with
[08:41 - 08:47]
the agents of the executive branch of the government both are using in a
[08:47 - 08:51]
way that no lawyer would would condone and no judge would most
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certainly condone. The institutions of the
[08:56 - 09:01]
law to harass each other and in the process running a very very real
[09:01 - 09:06]
risk of bringing the whole institution of
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the law and IMO I'm pretty Hobbs in in this area under
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contempt which in this sense is a loss to all of us.
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Bell how do you react to Dan's factual not judgmental
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drought. I don't know why I'm here.
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Yeah Dan is very can sometimes be very disarming
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and his fair mindedness I expected.
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More of a more biased presentation.
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I'm in substantial agreement with the outlines of what went down as a matter of fact I like his three
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way analysis.
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I think that my only My only addition would be that I
[09:48 - 09:54]
say that to Dan stated or when Dan says that I was a conspiracy and
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Chicago I. I would like to add I think that I think there were
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certainly two conspiracies. Judging from the reports of people who were at the Democratic
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National Convention in the line of duty including our colleague Larry Wolf
[10:08 - 10:14]
there was pretty clear evidence that Daley and his and his people had
[10:14 - 10:18]
conspired to deny the routine
[10:18 - 10:23]
rights of even delegates to the to the Democratic National Convention
[10:23 - 10:29]
and that the authorities of Chicago could easily
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be shown I think to have gone out of their way to deny
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rights to an assembly and an expression to the to the
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demonstrators as well as to bona fide delegates to the
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convention. Well let me then pick up on one thing you
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said and kind of play a role here also since some of my best
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friends are judges.
[10:55 - 11:00]
And since most of us and some respect other use Judge malfunctions
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at one time or another. Let me ask specifically to for you to cite
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anything that Judge Hoffman did that you I believe used the word and at one point.
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But you know he acted as a judge. What did he do that was wrong. She said
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Oh I've got I've got a theory here and I'm a military historian and a diplomatic historian
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and I've got one simple rule of life in.
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And institutional procedures that is when you're in confrontation with someone else perhaps on a national
[11:35 - 11:40]
level on an international level or even on a personal level. And that is
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if you know fairly well what someone wants you to do
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then it's a fairly good idea not to do it because it's going
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to ultimately reflect to your disadvantage and to his
[11:56 - 12:00]
advantage. Now it seems to me that the
[12:00 - 12:06]
conspiratorial were very very clear in what they want to Judge Hoffman to do and that is
[12:06 - 12:10]
precisely what he did do as what better what better example
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of judicial What better example of the due
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of judicial harassment than to have Bobby Seale in
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chains and gag chained to his
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chair in a in a court room where he's unable
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to unable to speak. So when you play the opposition game I call that
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inept I think. What about the
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contempt citations which have been discussed some that if you were in Judge
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Hawkins shoes what would you have done with a. I'll refer to it as acting out behavior on the
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part of the defendant.
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File contempt citations but at the same time keep my mouth shut. That is
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after all they didn't have to be lectured from the bench.
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This was a this was a critical thing as the idea of the law that is
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the. The right that every citizen has to a quick and speedy
[13:08 - 13:13]
trial to proper procedures to
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be free if you will from harassment from the bench. Now
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I'm going to spin off just a little bit in the other direction because this raises all kinds of
[13:24 - 13:31]
questions about the activities of Mr. consumer too and that is that.
[13:31 - 13:33]
And does he have the right to do this.
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Rejected his role as an officer of the court
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in the in the trial. That is a lawyer in a trial as as we
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all know is not only a defense legal defense for his climb but he's also an office of the
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court and through playing the role of as often officer
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of the court.
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He has an obligation to follow the traditional procedures of the
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court counselor by not following the traditional procedures of the court and by
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rejecting his role as an officer of the court.
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Brought himself into the into a contemptuous condition a contemptuous relationship
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with the court and I suspect that the American Bar Association is
[14:18 - 14:23]
going to look at this fairly carefully in the next few months and come to come to some sort of a judgement that is
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when a man rejects the role of an officer of the court that's inherent in his position of lawyer
[14:29 - 14:33]
and his position as lawyer and what are we supposed to do here that is not only
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Hoffman was acting contemptuously.
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This is my point.
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Everybody was acting contemptuously and Hawkman just happened to be the most inept
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of all of them because Hofmann seems to be the man who was playing the game that everyone else wanted him to play.
[14:49 - 14:54]
And as a result the court procedure comes down a heap. Oh what do you do Dan with a defendant
[14:54 - 14:59]
who will not stay in his place and his chair who won't who
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continually talks in such a ways to interfere with the proceedings.
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If you don't gag him chained to the chair what do you do.
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What happens in the court room.
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All right no nobody knows Campbell. I like to I like to hear Bill on this one because
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it's never it's never come up. Even John Browne when he was tried.
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Follow the procedures of the court and awaited the away to the appropriate time to
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to make a statement which was a very effective statement and carried forward fascinating carried
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forward completely within the framework of the traditions of American and English
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jurisprudence at the time.
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As a result some would say that Brown did try him because he
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carried the thing forward he his act was outside the frame of
[15:44 - 15:49]
established practice but when he was tried he wanted to be it wanted to be absolutely clear
[15:49 - 15:54]
that the procedure was followed to the letter that there was no attempt to
[15:54 - 15:59]
interfere with the procedure and the procedure guilty.
[15:59 - 16:04]
And I think Brown made his point much much better than the
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Chicago conspirators have so far made their point because everyone has managed to fudge
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this thing.
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This is this is exactly my reaction that the
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all the yuppie enterprise that seems to have taken control of some of the
[16:21 - 16:26]
defendants behavior is pretty self-defeating in
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this way. I think that that one
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thing should be we should remind ourselves of one thing that at that at least two
[16:36 - 16:41]
of the defendants have openly and avowedly rejected the values that
[16:41 - 16:46]
Dan holds that I hold and that the that the majority hold. RUBIN And
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Abbie Hoffman I think take the position of that that they are not
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valid and to follow these procedures and this is what them something like a
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philosophical position counselor came in his talk
[17:00 - 17:05]
awfully close to accepting this view. If he didn't in fact accept it or
[17:05 - 17:10]
did make the position which I think supports one of your earlier contentions that it helped to explain
[17:10 - 17:14]
the motives of the defendants that
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he said something to the effect that if the court is to be used as a political weapon by the state
[17:20 - 17:26]
the state must be willing to accept the consequences of that act and that that it will become
[17:26 - 17:31]
a political species of political warfare rather than a trial. And I think this is
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probably the way the defendant saw this.
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But now let's.
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This is the way they see it. This may even be the way the attorney general's office sees it.
[17:41 - 17:45]
But this does not necessarily mean that this is the way Judge Hoffman sees it
[17:45 - 17:51]
and that is to see the federal people as using the courts as an agency of political
[17:51 - 17:55]
warfare someone seems to indicate this is a new thing. You know Mark Hoffman
[17:55 - 18:00]
understood what was going on in his court in the East and these terms. Oh yeah
[18:00 - 18:07]
I think I we can't that we can't look into people's minds as what
[18:07 - 18:12]
that's the only way you can explain away the hysterical reactions. The mistake that is
[18:12 - 18:16]
it's very possible I'd love to get into those papers I'd love to I love to read
[18:16 - 18:22]
the other memos that go back and forth. You
[18:22 - 18:26]
could just simply be for example it could be a lot easier than were trying to make it it could be just simply that
[18:26 - 18:32]
that everyone is involved in creating a situation whereby an appeal will occur.
[18:32 - 18:37]
And this is the thing that interest me because a counselor and the defendants
[18:37 - 18:42]
have said over and over this reveals the hypocrisy of the whole system so on and
[18:42 - 18:47]
so forth. What are those men going to do when that case goes to the Appeal
[18:47 - 18:50]
Court. And I believe very sincerely that is going to be thrown out.
[18:50 - 18:56]
Now I'm waiting for Mr concerned of these cases to perform an appropriate medical book
[18:56 - 19:01]
preferably at the meeting of the American Bar Association with all the news media
[19:01 - 19:06]
present where he says the system worked the way it's supposed to work and
[19:06 - 19:11]
I'm not going to hold my breath until he does it. I should say I can support
[19:11 - 19:15]
that. I find myself in the Ryan room which is you know the
[19:15 - 19:22]
be the collecting place near the mustard counter is a collecting place for the remnants of the New Left.
[19:22 - 19:27]
I find myself informing people that the
[19:27 - 19:32]
Oakland seven were acquitted. This is a not a very well-known fact on
[19:32 - 19:37]
the left at the Oakland seven were tried for for conspiracy and were flatly acquitted in a
[19:37 - 19:41]
in A and exemplary trial by my
[19:41 - 19:48]
by a fine fair judge and a and a very humane
[19:48 - 19:52]
and intelligent jury as well as a competent defense.
[19:52 - 19:57]
And they and I say a competent prosecution. But you see Bill if
[19:57 - 20:02]
if they would have really wanted to nail these people. They had all the necessary law
[20:02 - 20:07]
that they needed in Chicago and by the way I agree with you that is that
[20:07 - 20:12]
what should have occurred at the Chicago was an investigation of the Chicago police report department and a
[20:12 - 20:17]
considerable number of badges listed in all probability. But that doesn't doesn't change
[20:17 - 20:22]
the legal situation and the situations of ours we as citizens are concerned. Just
[20:22 - 20:26]
because two groups happen to at one particular time want to use an institution that's a bad
[20:26 - 20:30]
event a just all of us and perhaps keeps all of us from becoming animals.
[20:30 - 20:35]
And frankly I don't want to have to slow around the 45 on my hip to protect myself
[20:35 - 20:39]
against against somebody else in the war of all against all of this whole thing
[20:39 - 20:41]
collapses.
[20:41 - 20:46]
I've got other things I want to do and those would take up far far too much of my time.
[20:46 - 20:51]
We've got a vested interest in the thing too and if the
[20:51 - 20:56]
process works they had to they had all the they had all the law they needed they
[20:56 - 21:00]
could have tried them under the laws of the state of Illinois for incitement to riot
[21:00 - 21:06]
but they didn't do that. The situation obviously is a political situation but not
[21:06 - 21:11]
necessarily a political situation insofar as the bench is concerned or at least it's a different
[21:11 - 21:16]
political situation and so far as the bench is concerned they'll do You heard Mr.
[21:16 - 21:21]
Counselor when he spoke at the University several days ago. Your impression of him from that parent.
[21:21 - 21:27]
Frankly I was impressed by the by the
[21:27 - 21:32]
revolutionary fervor and of course as you say I don't think it's an unfair characterization I
[21:32 - 21:37]
think he he. In effect if not in fact classified himself as a
[21:37 - 21:40]
revolutionary and so very a man of
[21:40 - 21:47]
great capability will I think my lawyer
[21:47 - 21:52]
friends have I have faulted him the exactly the same way that Dan has that
[21:52 - 21:57]
that his his behavior and the behavior of the Chicago defendants
[21:57 - 22:02]
was from my revolutionary point of view to the extent that I am a
[22:02 - 22:06]
revolutionary or tactically unsound. And I think say
[22:06 - 22:11]
that John Brown's behavior was was the better kind of behavior
[22:11 - 22:17]
for a for a revolution. And I use this term very loosely of course for a
[22:17 - 22:21]
revolution that attempts to establish just principles.
[22:21 - 22:25]
The the end of the end is.
[22:25 - 22:33]
Ends and means get mixed up here. Remember Saul Alinsky his famous remark when asked if
[22:33 - 22:35]
the ends justify the means.
[22:35 - 22:39]
He said I'd like to know what the hell else does. But at the same time the ends and
[22:39 - 22:44]
the means are defined by the end. And what Dan and
[22:44 - 22:48]
Dan has pointed out that if if these
[22:48 - 22:55]
he say question these give this shall we say excessively
[22:55 - 22:59]
violent behavior not only rhetorically violent but actually violent behavior is
[22:59 - 23:04]
employed in our society it is it is a serious threat. Well
[23:04 - 23:09]
NCR are not Alinsky pardon me the councilors got him got himself into into a real
[23:09 - 23:15]
bind got himself into a bind very similar I think to the to the early utilitarians.
[23:15 - 23:20]
There's one particular statement that he made that interested me and that is his statement
[23:20 - 23:24]
if you got to be against violence you got to be against all violence from the breaking of a window
[23:24 - 23:29]
to do the murdering of a child. Now this reminds me a great deal of the
[23:29 - 23:34]
of the early utilitarian problem not being able to tell the difference between pushpin and chess.
[23:34 - 23:40]
There's no there's no there ia for our no area for judgment in this position
[23:40 - 23:46]
no area for adjustment. The idea being that this
[23:46 - 23:51]
is the first priority issue all the way through to be
[23:51 - 23:56]
taking this one point to be against violence. Well personally I can't
[23:56 - 24:01]
buy that. That is my problem has always been whether to use rock salt or
[24:01 - 24:07]
double a double lot bookshop that this is that this is the problem. Why are
[24:07 - 24:11]
both of you suggesting that councillors actions during the trial were
[24:11 - 24:16]
tactical calculated premeditated r Did he at times lose control.
[24:16 - 24:21]
I can't imagine a man of consolers capability losing control he didn't look
[24:21 - 24:26]
nor sound to me like a man who would lose control but I think it was my guess.
[24:26 - 24:31]
If I may guess that counselor had himself a real bag of worms with this particular bunch of
[24:31 - 24:36]
people and it that he may not have been in any sense his decision of how the
[24:36 - 24:40]
defense was going to be conducted and would be held guilty for liable. Anything we
[24:40 - 24:45]
say on thats a missed drug I want to call Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin a bag of worms I think they
[24:45 - 24:50]
would be good. I'll be very frank and say this is
[24:50 - 24:55]
this estate personal is not intended in a libelous way. I would not all be surprised to find
[24:55 - 25:00]
Mr Kunstler running for office in New York State it's an appropriate time in the near future. Could be.
[25:00 - 25:04]
Speaking as a bag of worms and not referring of course to ourselves at the moment.
[25:04 - 25:10]
Dan and Jerry Rubin was a dicier student here and he was here. What was your impression of
[25:10 - 25:11]
hammer is your impression.
[25:11 - 25:16]
Yeah well in a kind of indirect
[25:16 - 25:17]
way.
[25:17 - 25:21]
The impression I had of Jerry was it was contained in this square article
[25:21 - 25:26]
I think was selling was sometime last summers and I don't know yet a lot was the name.
[25:26 - 25:30]
Yeah I like
[25:30 - 25:35]
Jerry. If he had said it I know I'm no
[25:35 - 25:38]
good C student. CB
[25:38 - 25:46]
you're a man of independent means my young man on the go a man
[25:46 - 25:51]
intent on making his mark who
[25:51 - 25:56]
never got quite the recognition that he thought he ought to get who was not made
[25:56 - 26:01]
chairman of the board as early as you thought he should have been made. Would you say he's modeling his behavior
[26:01 - 26:05]
after you as if you were his advisor if you mean he's a
[26:05 - 26:09]
phony I suspect maybe he was almost the last thing I heard.
[26:09 - 26:18]
We're all full and you know we're all phony and in a certain number of ways I just think you know it's
[26:18 - 26:22]
sort of the problem of the Animal Farm I think has a little phone you than others.
[26:22 - 26:28]
I wonder you heard a couple of times to the John Brown trial and how what
[26:28 - 26:33]
an exemplary way he performed at the trial what was the outcome for him
[26:33 - 26:35]
that way. Yeah.
[26:35 - 26:40]
That somehow kind of disenchant me if I'm putting myself in his role. I think I
[26:40 - 26:44]
might prefer other kinds of actions even though they might not conform to
[26:44 - 26:50]
the exemplary behavior that you know action. Well then Steven Vincent Benet will never write a poem about
[26:50 - 26:55]
you. That's his problem not mine. OK. No I don't I think that
[26:55 - 27:00]
I'm saying John Brown's case there was nothing he could have done to prevent himself from being hurt. I
[27:00 - 27:05]
think that when you say I mean what could he have done he could have split for Africa I guess
[27:05 - 27:11]
but that would have destroyed the point I think he probably would have. It raises up you know it raises
[27:11 - 27:15]
up all kinds of questions about what these these people are really about.
[27:15 - 27:24]
I don't know whether they're really seriously engaged in what they're doing
[27:24 - 27:29]
and whether they as you know more about most certainly know more about this Campbell than the rest of us do or
[27:29 - 27:36]
whether there are gays in a whole series of roles for by the stakes really aren't very high yet.
[27:36 - 27:41]
I wonder how they do it if you will I wonder how we'd respond right now.
[27:41 - 27:44]
Hi this is Howard K. Smith raised this point last week on an editorial.
[27:44 - 27:49]
I wonder if these people were followers of George Lincoln Rockwell
[27:49 - 27:55]
whether I'd be sitting here being as careful and as sympathetic
[27:55 - 28:02]
as as I am to say toward Jerry Rubin as if these
[28:02 - 28:07]
were if these were brown shirts and I've got a something deep down in my heart this is the same thing.
[28:07 - 28:13]
That they really are brownshirts yet they mouths the
[28:13 - 28:17]
slogans that we find it difficult to default.
[28:17 - 28:19]
I just wonder what would happen if they were on the other side of that.
[28:19 - 28:24]
I don't know one thing I do believe that from what I have read about
[28:24 - 28:29]
them seen about them I think that Hofmann councilor Ruben and others are really
[28:29 - 28:34]
quite serious I don't think it's a frivolous game and I didn't know I was going to take the
[28:34 - 28:36]
last word on this but our time is up.
[28:36 - 28:41]
My thanks to Bill Hamrick an English department and Dan beaver from the history department for
[28:41 - 28:46]
participating in this discussion. The moderator for this special of the week was Dr. Campbell
[28:46 - 28:51]
Crockett director of the University of Cincinnati whose Institute for Research on training
[28:51 - 28:55]
in higher education. His guests doctors Bieber and Hamrick are
[28:55 - 29:00]
professors absence of Nati. Our thanks to WG you will see the radio
[29:00 - 29:05]
station of the University of Cincinnati for this program which WJ U.S. listeners
[29:05 - 29:10]
heard originally in the U.S. forum series. This has been special of the week
[29:10 - 29:14]
from any are the national educational radio network.
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