The Candidates: Style and Character, reel 1

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If this isn't done other third party phenomenon like a third
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party let's say what Mr Henry Wallace the third party of Strom Thurmond
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third party Mr. George Wallace is a major phenomenon of our
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in some ways may I say far the most interesting phenomenon Boston
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University radio presents the presidency 1968 a
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series of four programs taken from lectures by the noted political scientist Max
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Lerner.
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Dr. Lerner is a professor of American civilization and world politics at
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Brandeis University and is the author of several books including
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America as a civilization the unfinished country an anthology of his
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best newspaper columns and the age of overkill is
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syndicated newspaper column is published nationwide and abroad the lecture
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series is made possible by a grant from the SNH Foundation sponsored by the
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Sperry and Hutchinson company. In this first program Dr. Lerner discusses
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the topic the candidate's style and character. Now here
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is Dr. Max Lerner on the presidency 1968.
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I was saying that I was coming up here just a moment ago.
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They're in a sense side trying still to claim my
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original innocence. If you define an innocent
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as one who still believes in possibility
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I would cling to my innocence I still believe in
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possibility even in the kind of world
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we have now.
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People say to me very often Miss Lerner as you look toward the future are you an optimist or a pessimist.
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I say what do you think this is Wall Street. You think this is a question of whether I'm bullish or
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bearish about the gyrations of stocks on the stock market I'm neither an
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optimist or a pessimist on a possible list. I believe
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we are going to be able to survive this election
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campaign perhaps even survive. A
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president who's chosen.
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I think we're going to I think the republic will survive.
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I think that the experience through which we're going is a shaking plowing up
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experience not a pleasure. And before I'm through
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with these talks of mine and our discussions together I
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think I made it very clear why I think it's a plowing up
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experience which goes down to the very
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depths of the very roots of our being as a nation as
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individuals and turns up often with some lovely
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things.
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But I believe that through this whole process a process
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of digging down deep and plowing up and even coming up with some lovely things.
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I think this is the way in which a nation grow is
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just a way of an individual growth by
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the life experiences that he has the courage and the strength to face
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encounter and to transcend that
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also is how a nation grows.
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We've had this kind of experience of course for a long time
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sometimes it's more unpleasant than other times. It's never
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quite the same as at any previous time and don't let anyone tell you
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that the 1968 campaign is like some other campaign it isn't. It
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may have some similarities but each change because of the
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revolutionary changes that have been happening in our society are happening so fast
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that it's a different people a different society
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which encounters experience.
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Here we are.
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Any talk coming toward the end of a kind of an annus
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mirabilis year of wonder and portent.
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Think back a year ago.
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Do you remember when it looked still as if it was LBJ
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against Romney. Most of those seem archaic know
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as candidates and so many things happened.
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Romney was pushed out because he
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somehow incalculably surprisingly made his way in
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with the New Hampshire victory that forced LBJ out.
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It brought Robert Kennedy in brought Rockefeller
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wrote Reagan in LBJ
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exit brought Hubert Humphrey in and the
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succession of deaths particularly those
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with traumatic events.
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Yes Dr. King. Yes of Robert Kennedy the murder
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of each year. Sasa nation is
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here. Riots.
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Your convention is ending up with a
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Chicago convention Surely there has never been anything in American political history
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quite like that as a political convention and the things that happened all
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around it.
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So I say the honest problem. It's the
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year of wonder.
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And it's a year in which anyone who tried to predict at any
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point during that year was bound to be proved wrong
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because again it was a year of possibility because of the very
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fluid nature of the events that year.
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Things were never totally impossible they were always possible
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and where we are now of course seems to many of us and I include
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myself in that a good deal of an anti-climax after a year of
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wonders importance with the field
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presumably narrowed to man each of them I suppose the
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choice of his party at least of the stalwarts in that
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party the professionals in the party. Neither of them
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having shown at least until now haven't shown much strength outside of his
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party.
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A number of people are satisfied with
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either choice.
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If you look at the whole country the number of people satisfied with either choice is not a very
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large number. The number dissatisfied with one or the other is very large
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and the number dissatisfied with both is very considerable.
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And this too we haven't quite had at least not recently in
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the same way so that to many it is an invitation
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to apathy a plague on both your
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houses. A plague on both your party's A plague on both your
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candidates.
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My own feeling is that if either of the other two
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Republicans who made the final showing at Miami had been
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nominated he would be running strongly today.
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I think Mr. Rockefeller more strongly than Mr Nixon because he had
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so much strength outside of the party among Democrats and independents.
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I'm going to say something that may surprise you coming from me I think Mr. Reagan would be running strongly if he
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had been the nominee and he would be running strongly not because
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of strength among Democrats and independents he'd be running strongly
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because he'd be running in the same direction and Mr. Wallace basically.
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In fact it's quite conceivable that a Reagan candidacy would have meant
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not much of a Wallace candidacy because they they feed
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on the same man the man of the law and
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order issue. Many of the fears that
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have been generated in the country because of the domestic violence. Yes.
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So I would say that either of the three Republican candidates was bound to make a
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strong race in this year of great discontent
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with the war and great discontent with the right. Great
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discontent with demonstrations and great discontent with
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what's happening on the campuses. Great discontent with
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LBJ and the Democratic administration. Any of those three
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Republican candidates I think would have made a very good run of it
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and probably would be winning as Mr Nixon is winning no.
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I'll go father. I didn't get either of the other two
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Democrats who figured so prominently in the
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primaries before the convention. The convention either of them
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would probably if he were the nominee be doing better than Mr rejoined.
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I think if Mr. McCarthy had been the candidate while I did still think he would be
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running second I think that would probably be less
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distance between the candidates than there is now
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and I have no doubt in my mind that if Robert Kennedy had lived
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if he had not been cut down.
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If he had lived I think he would have had an extremely good chance of
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being the nominee and if he were the nominee today what an
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exciting race it would be. I say this not in the sense
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of lamenting what no longer is possible. I
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say it simply for historical perspective.
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You know one of the thing when I said a while ago I'm a possible list. One of the things
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that I find when I write history or read history or teach history
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I see. History not only is the record of what happened but also as the record of what didn't happen.
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What didn't happen but what might have happened if things had broken
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differently if a different road had been
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take. Can other people remember Robert Frost poem
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Two roads diverged in a wood.
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Two roads diverged in a wood and I took the one less traveled by
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And that has made all the right. And I think the first lesson in
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politics if I may suggest to the very first lesson in politics
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is that politics has no inevitability about it.
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Sure there are object your forces moving in a certain direction but the
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question of how fast they move and how they are could be channeled that depends on individual
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leaders and on the relation between the leader in the people the
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Marche and the league.
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And those relations can be very different relations I say again. Not only what happened but what
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didn't happen but what might have happened if other decisions had been taken if there'd been
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other leadership it had been a different kind of relationship between the Diem us and the people.
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What might have happened. Why is it important to not just study what might
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have happened.
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The didn't because the future also has a number of alternatives
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and we need always to feel and feel very strongly that there is a choice on our
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part. The choice of roads and if some road doesn't seem
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to exist it's part of our problem to build it to make it exist
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so that we can choose it. Now
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I've spoken of two parties and two candidates obviously. One thing about this
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campaign which makes it different from any that I recall is that it's
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a three man affair not a tomb. And this is not just a case
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of most of us third party which is a kind of appendage to the election
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campaign. This isn't a nother third party phenomenon
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like the third party let's say what Mr. Henry Wallace of the third party of
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Strom Thurmond. The third party
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Mr. George Wallace is a major phenomenon of our time. In some
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ways may I say far the most interesting phenomenon of all.
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The most unexpected incalculable.
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You know already has a strength what some 20 percent according to
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straw polls.
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Its rate of growth seems to be continuous.
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It may end up before and by the time of the election which is
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more than 20 percent.
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And as you know and have read and have heard
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it's quite conceivable that it may get the kind of strength which will mean that there will not be any
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candidate with a majority of the Electoral College.
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So then we will have election thrown into the House of Representatives
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as happened with John Quincy Adams. Jackson and so on Lot hundred and
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forty or so years ago.
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The House of Representatives Representatives of the new house.
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Each group voting by state would then pick the
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presidential candidate and obviously the difficulty with
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that.
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That too means unknown possibilities
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and somewhat terrifying ones because as
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soon as you begin to get a haze of doubt cast over a choice
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it's no longer the majority choice of the people if it becomes a choice in a
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smaller body like the house. Immediately you get the
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question that we got way back in the 1820s has there been a corrupt bargain. Has there
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been a sell out.
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Has there been a betrayal in the charges of betrayal will linger
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a long time as they lingered a long time then. And I
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believe that is being eroded on the part of many young people
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today who believe in the basic electoral process
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and the basic party structure of the country.
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That belief I think might be eroded even more so when I give
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you in the first two lectures you say
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and I want to tripartite contests how to do it.
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When I speak of the candidates and their character
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and their personality structure a direction
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in which they seem to be leaning and moving I'm talking of all
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three.
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And that makes it a bit more depressing because the addition of
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Mr. Wallace if I may be very candid is one of the most depressing things that has happened
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in the American experience depressing and this sense
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that it is a response to social anger primarily and social
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fears.
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Now don't let's be namby pamby about it however.
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All moralistic obviously angers
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and fears have their role in every campaign.
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You will notice that I have postponed until my second talking
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and analysis what we call the issues of the campaign and of starting with the
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candidates and their character. This gives my own feeling of priority
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about that too. I do not think this election is going to be settled on
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issues. I think it's going to be settled on candidates and their character.
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Because you see the notion that a campaign to settle down issues means
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that we are rational beings.
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I hold with Jonathan Swift who said man is not homoerotic you know knowledge
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he's not rational man he is only right he only has cut box he's only
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capable of reason. There is somewhere a glimmer of potential for a reason in
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some way. You know where. Very much like an iceberg. The
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human personality is the part that we are conscious
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about.
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Communicate with and so on is the one tenth the book The Night chance
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underneath which is hidden is the one chance which is not rational
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it is irrational unknown by the way they're not rational and irrational are somewhat different.
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The rational for example I call love non-rational
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I call sad isn't irrational.
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That is the really really destructive drives I call your
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rational. But those drives cannot be reduced to rational
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calculation like love.
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Take the primary one that is not rational.
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And human beings are not rational and irrational along with their rationality we are at
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Jonathan's face which said We are only capable of reason which gives us some
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hope ultimately for organizing a better society and a better world.
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You know what has happened is not so much that we have for the first time an election
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campaign which deals with non-rationals and irrational but we have for the
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first time and a candidate who is getting very
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considerable portion of the book. The two top candidates for each of
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them under 40 percent.
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Mr Wallace is somewhere around 20 and will probably move beyond it.
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Candidate who is getting a very considerable portion of the vote has no
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notion of foreign policy and only no
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experience in it but no notion very little
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knowledge of history very little understanding of the
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internal dynamics of the society.
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But he does express very effectively the fears and social
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angers people and his strength lies and
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we better recognize.
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Mr Nixon particularly is no recognizing
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he had been playing a rather cool campaign up to now
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holding a lead a pretty considerable lead and feeling that the best thing to do is not to rock the
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boat when you have that kind of lead. But now he knows that he has
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to go out and divert the vote to make go to WALLACE Because.
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And Mr. Louis Harris are perhaps one of our best pollsters says points
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out for every vote that Wallace takes from Humphrey he takes two for the
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next. That means that the growth of Wallace's
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strength means necessarily the weakening of the advantage
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that Nixon hands over Humphrey. And if the growth in Wallace's
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Springs is large enough and if it comes in the big industrial states
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it's quite conceivable that it may throw those states into something
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which is something that Mr. Nixon is deeply concerned about that is why he made so
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sharp a statement about seeing to it personally
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personally. How else would one see to it I don't know what change would
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pressure lead that there would be protection for every individual.
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You see that's the dangerous one. There is an
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irrational sweet tendency like Dish moving in the
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country. Once dish is moving and
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once it is clear that the motors are
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flowing in that direction the great danger range that the
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other candidates will move in the same direction.
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Let infection the whole campaign and there's no question that the
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campaign is going to be infected in that way to an extent it already
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has.
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I have spoken of the non-rational let me say that
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it's rather.
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Interesting to look at these candidates in image terms.
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Think I've written this somewhere but if you read it I hope you don't mind my repeating it.
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As you can see it's often very instructive to ask not so much.
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Where does a candidate's stand on issues.
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But what is the image that he presents to the country
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and what kind of an image does he want to present to the country.
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For example take Mr. Nixon Mr. Nixon has worked
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very hard to rebuild and reshape his image because the last image he
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had he got beaten. Not only did he get beaten in
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1960 in the very close race with Mr. Kennedy.
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But he got beaten very badly in 1062 race in California
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which was a low point for Mr. Nixon's political fortunes that you
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remember was the time of the tirade against the press after he had lost
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the governorship.
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That's the old Mr. Nixon he has worked very hard in May I say very
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successfully to reshape the image
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not the image of what the hatchet man who was sent out
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50 to 1 and 56 both times
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related to the sharp chopping that had to be done they felt.
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I can recall Mr. Nixon's attack on at least Stevenson
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repeatedly and being soft on communism.
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When Mr. Agnew by the way tried that on Mr. Humphrey the other day there was general shock
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because we've moved beyond that. At least we have with the
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two major parties behind them. Beyond that I'm not sure we have with the other candidates.
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But this was the early image of Mr. Nixon.
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He has just changed that very much.
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It's been an amazing lesson in the proposition that if
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you work hard enough and if you're intelligent enough and skillful enough you can
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remake your public image.
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Mr. Nixon's image knowing is that of the cool and
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calm statesman like person working for
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unity within his party working for unity
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in the nation.
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Along with that image of course is the comeback image
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man who was down almost out who swore in 1962
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that he was through with politics and he made his comeback.
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Americans by the way I like to be identified with
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someone who has made a comeback.
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Question of how he did it is interesting the way he he puts it
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is that he did it in terms of withdrawal and return. It's going to
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be in concept if you read it on your 20s best what
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15 volume study of history you will find several volumes in that
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sequence. The concept of withdrawal and return the leader
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who finds himself.
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At all odds with his political situation and withdraws
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but he withdraws in order to meditate in order to reflect
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and he comes back refreshed and strengthened by the meditation.
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And the image that Mr. Nixon would have us believe in is that of withdrawal and
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return within the six years that have intervened since the California
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episode there has been this medication and reflectiveness. Perhaps
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so but it's been also a very busy six years particularly the last
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four years in 164 in 66 and 68 and in those
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other years 64 66 he traveled throughout the country speaking for a
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candidate supporting Mr. Goldwater loyally staunchly in 64
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speaking for other candidates getting a lot of what do bills political
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bills which in 68 he was able to collect on showing himself
[27:18 - 27:22]
to be loyal party work. But
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also what he has managed to do has been with great skill to move into a vacuum
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that was left by the other candidates. Here again one should ask what might have
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happened if Mr. Romney had not succumb to that curious
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foot in mouth disease that he did succumb to. We should never quite know
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what might have happened had Mr. Rockefeller I had not suddenly gotten confused
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exactly at the point when he should have that that you been valiant
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and had courage and decisiveness and moved into the campaign.
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I think if any would have carried the thing what would have happened if Rockefeller had not
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done that.
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The two major blunders by the two major opponents were there and
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Mr Nixon moved and moved in fast.
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And he has shown enormous skill in maintaining that lead.
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I will yield to no one in my admiration of his tactical political
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skill and his capacity to make you believe he is a new
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person.
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But that is not the whole problem is it with a candidate.
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The trouble with Nixon lies not so much in the question of whether he used the old Nixon or
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the new Nixon. But to me if I may be very candid and
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you expect me to. To me it lives in the fact that he has never displayed the
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qualities that prepare him for
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the presidential tasks and burdens in a deeply
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split American society.
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He may have these qualities.
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Certainly he has them more than his running mate. May I
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say it is quite possible that I should be praying for Mr.
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Nixon's health and life. After November praying very
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hard praying very hard indeed it may well be that he
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has these qualities but we cannot help asking questions.
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How will he end the war that he speaks of ending with an honorable peace.
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By the way talk about sleight of hand. This is really remarkable from the
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start Mr. Nixon who has been a hawk ever since the Indochinese war
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and the Eisenhower administration it is he who proposed the sending of American intervention troops
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into the Indochinese war.