- Series
- The future of
- Air Date
- Duration
- 00:30:00
- Episode Description
- Series Description
- Subject(s)
- Creator(s)
- Contributors
- Genre(s)
- Geographic Region(s)
- regions
- Time Period
- 1971-1980
[00:30 - 00:34]
From WMUR found in Washington D.C. the future of
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another in a series of discussions of alternative futures. Your moderator is
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Joe coach of the world future society.
[00:42 - 00:47]
Mr. Coates Good evening this is Joe codes for the world Futures Society
[00:47 - 00:52]
presenting another in a series of discussions of alternative futures the subject for this evening's
[00:52 - 00:56]
discussion is the future of the Chinese polity. Arnold
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Toynbee not so long ago said that our image of communist
[01:01 - 01:06]
China haunts and provokes fear and hostility. What we see is the figure of an
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angry giant rearing up and glaring down at us with threatening gestures. This
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is how China looks even to Americans who would like to believe that Communist China is
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nonexistent to discuss the reality and the future of that image we have
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with us this evening.
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Doc Barnett and Angus Fraser. Doc Barnett was born in
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China one thousand twenty one educated at Yale Franklin and Marshall and in the
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Marine Corps. After a stint as a correspondent for The Chicago Daily News
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he moved on eventually headed the State Department for an area studies
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at the Foreign Service Institute. From 1981 to 69 he was a professor of
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Government at Columbia University and headed their contemporary China Studies
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Program. Currently he's a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution. He's
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edited several books published numerous articles on China and Asia.
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Our other discussion this evening is Colonel Angus Fraser U.S. Marine Corps
[02:06 - 02:11]
retired after 25 years of service in the Marine Corps in mainland China
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Taiwan and Korea. He has worked as a research analysis analyst at
[02:16 - 02:21]
the international studies division at the Institute for Defense Analysis. Colonel Frazer
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specializes in Chinese political military affairs before structure and the role of
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the Army and the Chinese policy. Well Dr. Barnett What do you see as
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the future of the Chinese polity.
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You know I quote from 20 that you gave I think I think caught the flavor
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of the image that does exist in the minds of many westerners. One
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might immediately point out that a comparable image exists in the
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Chinese that the Chinese have felt themselves of him then
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threatened. By Western outside powers
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I was there to be one of the one of the big problems in the period ahead is whether there can
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be some kind of mutual accommodation between China and the West whether the West
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will have different images of China learn to get along with China and whether the Chinese will
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have different images of the West. My view is that China
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is currently going through an extremely important process of
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change after this great outburst of revolutionary
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energy of the past 10 to 20 years. I would
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say that it's reached a transition period. It's waiting in a sense
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Molly the great revolutionary leader to go and in the process is undergoing great
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change the culture revolution has been the most recent sort of evidence of it. And will
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undergo a great change in the future and I presume that's what we will discuss tonight the kind of
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change that we here had but Colonel Fraser you agree that the death of me will
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be the initiation of a transition.
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It seems almost platitudinous to say so but I think he is one of the charismatic
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first generation leaders of our time and most
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certainly life will never be the same in China after his passing.
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People talk about a disruptive power struggle. I think the Chinese
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are far too wise for this even during the trying days of the Cultural Revolution.
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One could think that none of the antagonists would go
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too far in fear of opening China to outside
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action are disrupting the total fabric of the country to the point where it would
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fall apart. I think that after Mao We will see a
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loose alliance of perhaps competing leaders who operate
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by debate and consensus and who will in a little increments
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never openly violating our arguing with the thought of mobs that don't move
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China into a somewhat more realistic position with respect to the rest of the world.
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Well it sounds like he's going to become an Oriental pope. But before we go into the
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discussion of the factors driving for the future it might be useful to clarify.
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How the Chinese government is now organized so that Mao can enjoy such
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a critical and essential position not to burn it.
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That's not an easy question to answer. Well and I said what if they were having a
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very easy or relatively easy up until late 1965
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and the Cultural Revolution started. Up until that time our general picture of
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China was of a fairly centralized regime was
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seemingly all low in retrospect now we have evidence that this was not entirely correct seemingly a
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fairly unified leadership pursuing the stated policies of collectivization
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socialisation industrialization and so on and the Cultural Revolution though has
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been really remarkable phenomenon. In essence this is a great
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oversimplification but. Ma instead of becoming more conservative
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as he aged as many men do seem to become more utopian
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more concerned about somehow making a final try to preserve
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his utopian revolutionary values he saw these being undermined by
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the growth of a great bureaucratic state. He saw them undermined by the growth of
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technocrats in the society. He saw them undermined by leaders who
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were more prepared than he to sort of compromise with the realities of the society and what he
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did he with military support or at least the support of part of the military in
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effect turned on the party set. Lose the youth of
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the country and tore down a large part of the organizational structure
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that he built. Now China is in the process now of trying to
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rebuild it so it's a country in which the distribution of power and authority
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is really quite uncertain because it's still being reconstructed it's still in a
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transitional state. I think you can say is that in the vacuum it was
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created by this tearing down of the old structure what was left as
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authority or two things it seems to me. Mao himself. But his
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authority will not be transferable to anybody else. And the military
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stepped into the vacuum and now is in effect running the country. But this
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too I think is a transitional thing the military is going to be very important for quite a long period of
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time but the military can't directly rule China and what's going on though is a
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slow process of reconstructing the bureaucracy the party bureaucracy the government
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bureaucracy. So it is but there's a very slow process and it is a changing
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period and one in which as Angus said you already
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have much greater competition of forces and leadership I would say even
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now is a much more complex leadership than it was before. And when Mao
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goes it's going to be even more so. It is going to have to be some kind of a collectivist
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or a coalitional type of leadership dealing with a rather diffuse society.
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What are the principal components for as you can tell us.
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Who are the principal actors or the principal group interests making up this
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complex governing body.
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Well the conventional wisdom would describe three groups and his
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associates and the group around them. Now
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not clearly identified as members of that group perhaps competing in
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their fervor and competition for Molly's favor. Are the Cultural Revolution
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people like Mao's wife junking and a number of others.
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Finally then there is said to be thought to be a cluster of more practical
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minded or better oriented in the
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government governing sense clustered around Geo and why the old
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bureaucrats some of the army leaders and the people who
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in the 20 year history of the Chinese People's Republic have been the ones who got things done.
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What's the role in this. Have you not given the appropriate
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emphasis of the technocrats the bureaucrats. Is there a new class coming up
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the sort that we had in Yugoslavia and in Russia.
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I think it was Mao's perception of just this phenomenon that that had a lot to do with launching the
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Cultural Revolution. And I would like to backtrack to something Doc said just a moment
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ago. The function of the youth in this whole operation has been very
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interesting knowledge complained of visitors in the past that the youth of China were soft. They lacked
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any revolutionary experience of any revolutionary zeal and I think one of the
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cleverest uses of resources we've seen is the way Mao used the youth against the
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bureaucrats while at the same time giving you their revolutionary experience which in
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his mind they so badly needed. Now of course the payoff is some 20 to 30 million
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of them are now rusticating learning how to be farmers and promising to dedicate the rest of their
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life to agriculture.
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Let me pick up on what Angus has just been talking about. I group very much agree with that.
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The evidence we now have suggests that there was a very strong tendency in the society
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towards the development of to use shorthand technocrats people who are
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specialized people who are concerned with various sort of narrow
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elements of the tasks of the regime and that in the early 60s and the sort of
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critical period following the failures economically of the Great Leap leadership of this
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kind came to the fore and it was my perception as I said that this is the case
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and he tried to combat it. Now at the height of the Cultural Revolution these people were
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totally submerged and a very high proportion incidentally of the
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leadership of this country was purged during the culture.
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What does that mean specifically to be submerged and purged.
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Well to be submerged means that the whole weight of the propaganda
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apparatus which got control of rather early in the Cultural Revolution was
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focused on trying to promote the values of of
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self sacrificing generalize and you don't mean these people who are put out of
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employment.
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Yes I do.
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That you do second part of your question and nobody really knows precisely how many
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people in the party as a whole were purged or the Russians of claim that over half of the entire
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Communist Party were Perris and I whether that's true or not I don't know. But if you look at the
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leadership well over half of the top leadership was pre purged as
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not incidentally in the Chinese context mean taken out and shot in the Russian sense
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purged means deprived of their jobs and sent down the
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work except for really indoctrinations. And so most of these people are probably somewhere tucked
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away in China but they're not in the jobs they had before. Now they
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were therefore subjected to this kind of attack during the Cultural Revolution.
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But I would say that in the sort of complicated balance of forces post Cultural
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Revolution which we now see it appears to me if you look at
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the actions of the regime that you have ups and downs backing and filling and
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you'll get Maoist impulses come out low as my self in the group around them.
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Call for things like the promotion of barefoot doctors. At this
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this idea is just one I picked out of the hat this is to develop a lot of sore semi-trained
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people go out in the countryside and provide medical service. Certain rationality that incidentally but
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it fits in the mouse sort of approach to things. On the other hand you have it seems to me
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pressures in the other direction carabaos are pressures to sort of get things
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disciplined under control rebuild the party get things sort of back on organizational basis
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pressing for mass mobilization methods other people pressing for more rational systematic
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routine EIS organizational methods. This is going back and forth it isn't you know it's unsettled
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at the moment.
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But with the demise of how do you both agree that they'll be the move toward order regularity and
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control.
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I think specific problems will be attacked with a little more vision and
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imagination a little more thought to their real consequences. But don't you
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know the Scripture has been written and it's a question of exegesis now and
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I think that the successors will rationalize whatever they do in accordance with
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the thought of matzah don't no matter how wildly it actually departs from thought.
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Well I'm sure that will in the discussion work back to this point. But
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since the future grows out of the present and the present out of the past and since China has
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that you are long past. Why don't we take a running start on the future
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and see if we can identify some of the basic historical factors that are going to
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determine the Chinese future. For example is there a traditional
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manifest destiny or expansionism in China which will be realized. Is there a
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traditional political structure. Well warlord ism for example which will be
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realized in a new embodiment in the future.
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Dr. Burnet Well let me go back that far and say that I
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think that there are certain very powerful forces that have been growing and operating in
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China they've been growing for the last hundred years I would say. They've been
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determining the course of events in China the motivation of Chinese in that
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basic sense for a good many decades. One is about a vacation
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from modernization. The introduction of western science and technology for the development of
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industry for the improvement of Agriculture for raising of staff of livings and the
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growth of the economic base of this country and the power of this country. And now
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there's been a very strong nationalist drive. And this is grown in the
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20th century. It is primary in all Chinese groups.
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Nationalist communist or anyone else and these are constants.
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So I think I think it's absolutely
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questionable in my mind that post Mao you will have
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these continuing strong drives to build China into a national
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power to modernize it and to get economic
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growth underway in a significant fashion. The question is
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what are post ma leaders going to do in terms of the strategy of trying to achieve these
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goals. I feel very strongly that there will be a
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swing away although I think Angus is right it will probably be justified by
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selective quotation from AO. There will be a swing away from his sort of
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visionary approach Mao has believed or
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seem to believe that you could push this country forward towards these
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national economic modernization goals by demanding sort of
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ultimate idealism self-sacrifice on the part of people minimizing sort of rewards and
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incentives and things of this guy. By mobilizing people by the
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kinds of methods he used during the Revolutionary War and avoiding
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bureaucratic routine Nies rationalized ways of going about it now. I don't
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think any other leader can even push hard in these directions after Mao goes I
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think. China sort of shot its bolt so to speak in this direction with the Cultural
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Revolution. And I think of it and the tendency is going to be to pursue these
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goals of modernization of national power but by what I personally at least
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would call more rational more realistic types of methods.
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I agree with that completely. I would like to go back again to
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something a word you used a couple of times. You speak of warlordism. I think one
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of the phenomena we're looking at today and which has tremendous importance for the
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near future say the next five to 10 years anyway is just exactly what the military
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people are doing. The Army had to be
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introduced into the cultural revolution in a fashion that was rather unfamiliar to the
[17:13 - 17:18]
Chinese they had to be inserted. To restore order
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when things were getting out of hand then over time as the bureaucracy was
[17:23 - 17:27]
turned out as Doc has pointed out. We saw the
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army in various manifestations moving into control of
[17:32 - 17:37]
leavers a power simply to keep the country going. No we're looking at a
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scene where the revolutionary committees which are really running affairs the
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pot party committees are being reconstituted very slowly and none have been reconstituted at the
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province or regional level.
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The army people are running things not as warlords no one is going to
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succeed in fighting the image of say the warlords of the 1920s
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is completely inaccurate. But what we do see. A group of very powerful
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regional and provincial leaders who have the ability now to
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withhold our condition the sort of support that they give to the center and who
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in return for their support extract certain concessions and certain freedoms in their
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own area. Now this brings us up to the really serious question
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is China governable you're talking about a country of 700 million
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people with. Land
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area just not too much larger than that of the United States three point seventy five
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million square miles. Communications are still rudimentary. Local
[18:43 - 18:48]
interests and group interests tend to preoccupy most of the people away
[18:48 - 18:53]
from the center of government. And I think what we're looking at first is a
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problem of restoring some sort of cohesive
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programming and control of programs and plans from the center.
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I agree with this and let me elaborate just a bit on this warlord thing one
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thing that's important to point out to realize is that the
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regional provincial military leaders at the present time are very different from the
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warlords because their goals are not primarily local power.
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They're exercising local power because they have to in some respects and because they do
[19:26 - 19:31]
have local interests. But I think they're motivated by a very strong nationalism by a very
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important identifiable national goals in a way that the old warlords were not.
[19:37 - 19:43]
This basic problem that anchors have been talking about of the distribution of power and
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how what is governable from the center in a country like this. I would say that when the
[19:47 - 19:52]
communist first really set up their regime in the mid 50s when they had consolidated and
[19:52 - 19:57]
set up a formal structure they tried an impossible degree of
[19:57 - 20:02]
central control. They tried for a brief period of time to run everything from the
[20:02 - 20:07]
Senate. Now there are a lot of things impelling Chinese and particularly Chinese
[20:07 - 20:11]
communist don't want to do this. There's a long tradition of trying to have central control in China
[20:11 - 20:17]
and the communist desire to plan the society and plan the economy also argued
[20:17 - 20:22]
in favor of central control. But by the late 70s in other words after a very
[20:22 - 20:26]
brief period of time they found they just could not control everything from the center and they began to
[20:26 - 20:31]
decentralized. I am can vets that one thing if one looks.
[20:31 - 20:36]
Future compares it with the past that you are for the long run.
[20:36 - 20:41]
You will have vacillation fluctuations in central centralization vs.
[20:41 - 20:46]
decentralization. But I think for the long haul there is going to be more power down
[20:46 - 20:50]
at the regional provincial and local levels than there has been in the past because this
[20:50 - 20:55]
country is so huge it simply cannot be run in detail from the setting.
[20:55 - 21:00]
I think we're seeing the beginnings of some very very pragmatic activity for
[21:00 - 21:04]
example small industries supplying to power equipment
[21:04 - 21:09]
for agriculture are quite deliberately being moved away from large
[21:09 - 21:14]
clusters and from the big industrial centers in each province now supposed to be working
[21:14 - 21:19]
on its own complex for the production of agricultural equipment. This is simply
[21:19 - 21:23]
one recognition of the fact that too many things cannot be
[21:23 - 21:28]
gathered and controlled from the center. And this may be an indication of where we are
[21:28 - 21:33]
moving in the future and of the growing influence of the group. We talk about as the possible
[21:33 - 21:35]
successors of Mao.
[21:35 - 21:39]
This is going to be a tough and continuing problem because they're built in a way almost
[21:39 - 21:44]
unsolvable dilemmas here. Post my leadership is going to water every
[21:44 - 21:49]
new industrialization it is going to want to have planning it's going to want to. A
[21:49 - 21:53]
quote communist unquote economy of some sort. It is going to want to
[21:53 - 21:58]
mobilize or so I says to the extent it can. And yet it's got to
[21:58 - 22:03]
somehow work out a system where there's a lot of original initiative a lot of original
[22:03 - 22:07]
control a lot of original planning is a very difficult thing to do. I know it's happened in
[22:07 - 22:12]
varying degrees in other communist societies and economies but this is going to be a
[22:12 - 22:14]
problem that they're going to wrestle with for a long time.
[22:14 - 22:19]
Do you see this drive toward economic development to any substantial
[22:19 - 22:23]
degree flowing out of military concerns or fears of foreign
[22:23 - 22:24]
intervention.
[22:24 - 22:28]
Or will the economic development be largely directed at
[22:28 - 22:31]
internal development.
[22:31 - 22:36]
This too I would say is going to be a source of continuing debate there's no doubt that defense
[22:36 - 22:41]
has been a primary motivation from the start and yet it's not the sole motivation by any sense and
[22:41 - 22:46]
what is this in some sense a misperception on the Chinese
[22:46 - 22:51]
part in much the same way that we have traditionally mis perceived the Chinese
[22:51 - 22:56]
I think in the sense of military preparedness Joe the people who
[22:56 - 23:00]
over the years have have held someone popular rather professional military
[23:00 - 23:05]
views must be feeling some gratification because the Russian
[23:05 - 23:10]
menace. As viewed by by the Chinese is
[23:10 - 23:14]
very very real and they are acutely aware of their physical inferiority and
[23:14 - 23:19]
what this means is it probably a greater share of the
[23:19 - 23:24]
available resources for a period of time will go into better
[23:24 - 23:28]
preparing to deal with with a massive order.
[23:28 - 23:33]
Is there a competing interest group in the population perhaps. We entertain the view that
[23:33 - 23:38]
the Chinese used to see the Boid masses of people with the pimple
[23:38 - 23:39]
of control at the top.
[23:39 - 23:44]
We really haven't talked about the groups within the Chinese population. Is there a
[23:44 - 23:47]
consumer interest is there a peasant interest.
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Is there a small shopkeeper interest which in some sense exerts a
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potentially powerful influential group in the future influential
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tendency in the future.
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I would say if you start looking at interest groups and China does have something that in the
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broadest sense one can call interest group if you start with the bureaucracy itself which is a huge
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apparatus in China. And it's clear that over the years you have developed
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very real sort of interest groups and getting back to what we're talking about allocation of
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resources for defense industries let's say versus other economic purposes that quite clearly clashes
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between people of variety of economic ministries are not defense related and
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those who have a lot of resources for defense and this is going to continue. If you're talking about interest
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groups elsewhere in the society you have to be a little bit more cautious because
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in our sense there are two interest groups that has not been possible in the past for people to
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organize and push for their own interests. Nevertheless in an
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interesting way I am inclined to think that one thing that's happened in the Cultural Revolution is that
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this centralized mass organization structure that the regime had
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for labor labor unions for workers present associations and things of this kind the
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country youth organization this broke down and these organizations not really
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been reconstructed. And in the confusion almost chaos at times of
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the Cultural Revolution you did have groups springing up and competing
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with each other all over the country. Now one question mark I would have. Is whether
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these will take on or may take on overtime some of the characteristics are sort of locally
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rooted interest groups I don't think this is certain but it's possible.
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What would you say.
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I would agree with that. The groups that sprang up during the Cultural Revolution
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tended to base their association on ideological
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considerations and there were many many rather rather severe fights
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between two groups each of which contended that it was the custom of the thought of Mao and
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the other just didn't know how to handle this sort of thing. But as don't points up
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now that they have gotten together and all that they see the advantages of working
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together they will be able to focus their interests on other matters. But what
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sort of interest groups they will constitute is pretty hard to predict at this point.
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And to that lady I don't think certainly I would and I doubt Fagus would either like to leave the impression
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China is on the verge of being a highly pluralistic society in a political
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sense. It's a terribly complicated society that has always been highly
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organized. Many local organizations on the other hand the relationship of the state
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to social organization has always been one which the state has had predominate. Now I don't think that's going
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to suddenly change. I think this is an old pattern is likely to persist.
[26:37 - 26:42]
Well could we look at what is perhaps. Chestnut in all
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discussions of the future you may have some particular importance in Chile and the
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interplay of population and food. What pattern do you see for the
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future and what influence especially influence you see.
[26:55 - 27:01]
Dr. Burnat I shouldn't preface every comment I make by that's a
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tough question. Well yeah. The facts as
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little we know them are roughly as follows that the population is somewhere let's say between seven and a
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hundred million estimate some go as high as close to 800 million in
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this country at last report and their figures on this sort of saying have a birth rate over 2
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percent. This is it poses a very fundamental
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problem. I would say that over a period of
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time. It was rational or relatively rational policy China can keep ahead of its
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population and general economic growth and agriculture to China has yet
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for example to really take advantage of these new so-called miracle rice
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and wheat grain SEPIC they began.
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They've just been announcing that they have their own sort of strains
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equivalent to the new Mexican wheat in the Philippine rice and these have been produced with the aid of the
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thought of don't like it was.
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Now when I look up there's a there's that little Whitney you follow everything
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everything with the thought of most of that.
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But in the long run I think as I started to say I think for a short run they can keep ahead the long
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run the future of this country depends very much on a basic sense of whether they can bring down their
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net population growth are you talking now in terms of when you say the long running talking 25
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years 50 years.
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You know I would say 25 I'd say they have about 20 years in which to do something
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significant about this problem.
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They're trying to they have adopted population control policies but
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it's not easy primarily raw agrarian population to carry
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out these could could we perhaps over me either of you a brief word on the future role of
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women in China. Well briefly
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I think women in China have been going throughout the last 50 years but
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particularly says a Kavis period a basic change in their old society they're merging into
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for example productive roles and other roles and to an extent they have not before and
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I think this is one thing that certainly going to continue over the next several decades.
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Colonel for it you can are I concur completely there are much more active in there they're
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participating in the sorts of things that they've they've never been involved in before and there's
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some rather formidable looking lady militia.
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Is this likely to lead to a turn down in population just because they'll have some distractions
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outside the home.
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I think the turndown population has already taken place because of distractions outside home
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activities and methods of living that very effectively
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encourage later marriages in smaller families.
[29:38 - 29:43]
Well thank you Dr. Barnett. Thank you Colonel Fraser for this excellent discussion of the factors
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driving toward the future Chinese polity. This has been another in a series of discussions presented
[29:48 - 29:52]
by the world future society. The objectives of the society are to encourage the serious
[29:52 - 29:57]
investigation and the reason awareness of the future. Those of you who are interested in learning more about
[29:57 - 30:02]
our activities are invited to write for a free copy of our journal The Futurist. You may write to
[30:02 - 30:07]
me Joe coats in care of this station or to the world future society.
[30:07 - 30:12]
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[30:12 - 30:17]
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[30:21 - 30:24]
national educational radio network.
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