- Series
- Special of the week
- Air Date
- Duration
- 00:30:00
- Episode Description
- Series Description
- Subject(s)
- Creator(s)
- Contributors
- Genre(s)
- Geographic Region(s)
- regions
- Time Period
- 1971-1980
[00:05 - 00:10]
NDE are the national educational radio network presents
[00:10 - 00:14]
special of the week. The following program was produced by the Washington
[00:14 - 00:19]
reporting program of the University of Missouri's Graduate School of Journalism
[00:19 - 00:24]
and is narrated by David Marr delays across
[00:24 - 00:28]
Independence Avenue from the Capitol are the three House office buildings.
[00:28 - 00:33]
It is Tuesday and today as they do every Tuesday a group of 11
[00:33 - 00:38]
congressmen and one congresswoman is meeting in one of these buildings to discuss common
[00:38 - 00:42]
problems such meetings are not unusual. Great power is wielded behind the
[00:42 - 00:47]
cold stone faces of the three House office buildings. Legislation is shaped
[00:47 - 00:52]
deals are made understandings reached votes traded sometimes long
[00:52 - 00:57]
before any legislative action is taken across the street in the Capitol while the
[00:57 - 01:02]
system works as it should. Each congressman tries to get the maximum amount of leverage
[01:02 - 01:07]
he can and will the maximum amount of power he can to best serve the interest of
[01:07 - 01:12]
the people who elected him. If you can find other congressmen with the same interests they
[01:12 - 01:17]
may become a bloc and will correspondingly more power. So today's
[01:17 - 01:22]
meeting is not unusual except that all of the 12 congressmen meeting
[01:22 - 01:27]
today are black. They meet somewhere on Capitol
[01:27 - 01:32]
Hill every week under the name the Black Caucus. They represent they say the
[01:32 - 01:36]
24 million Americans in this country who are black and the caucus
[01:36 - 01:41]
is say its members and attempt to make the nation's Congress work harder
[01:41 - 01:46]
for the nation's black citizens. Unlike many other call the actions within the
[01:46 - 01:51]
Congress the Black Caucus has become fairly widely known. The group has taken
[01:51 - 01:56]
stands on some issues and has made a good deal of news. Black Caucus members
[01:56 - 02:01]
boycotted President Nixon's state of the Union address then demanded time to answer it on
[02:01 - 02:06]
network television that the man was initially rejected. But they are still pressing
[02:06 - 02:11]
it. Our year ago the group asked for a meeting with President Nixon.
[02:11 - 02:15]
Originally they were turned down. Told in effect says one member Don't call us
[02:15 - 02:20]
we'll call you. After more than 12 months of pressure and some
[02:20 - 02:24]
negotiations that meeting between Mr. Nixon and the 12 black congressman was
[02:24 - 02:29]
scheduled for March. We have heard most about the run ins between the Black Caucus and
[02:29 - 02:34]
chief executive but the caucus has also been moving in the legislative branch of government.
[02:34 - 02:39]
The improvements of their status within the House of Representatives especially in the area of
[02:39 - 02:44]
committee assignments may ultimately prove much more important than either the boycott of the
[02:44 - 02:49]
state of the Union address or the ready access to the president. The black
[02:49 - 02:54]
caucus idea that is black members meeting together to discuss mutual interests and
[02:54 - 02:59]
problems is not new. Caucus member Augustus Hawkins of California has been in
[02:59 - 03:03]
Congress since 1962 after a great deal of service in the California
[03:03 - 03:08]
legislature. The idea of the meetings he explains began a four or five years
[03:08 - 03:09]
ago.
[03:09 - 03:12]
I think that it grew out of the
[03:12 - 03:18]
consultation of several of those who
[03:18 - 03:25]
would simply discuss some of these problems.
[03:25 - 03:29]
Well you know meetings usually
[03:29 - 03:35]
on the floor of Congress itself. I think the idea of
[03:35 - 03:40]
actually started about five or six years ago when only three of
[03:40 - 03:44]
four of us did that. And as a membership increased
[03:44 - 03:50]
it became more formalized because obviously there was a necessity
[03:50 - 03:54]
then to to meet in a larger place and to.
[03:54 - 04:00]
To be a little more particular about the issues we discussed
[04:00 - 04:06]
the manner in which we did it in the 94 US Congress there were nine black members on the
[04:06 - 04:10]
caucus had its first session formal organization came in the 90 second
[04:10 - 04:15]
Congress with the election of a chairman and the assignment of members to committees of the
[04:15 - 04:19]
caucus. It would be a mistake to look at the Black Caucus as simply a
[04:19 - 04:24]
block of votes. One because its members frequently do not vote as a block
[04:24 - 04:28]
and two because the caucus sees itself as being much more than that.
[04:28 - 04:34]
Nor is it designed simply to be a publicity seeking irritant being irritable its
[04:34 - 04:38]
members admit can work sometimes but real power in Congress is often
[04:38 - 04:44]
wielded behind the scenes outside the range of the microphone and camera.
[04:44 - 04:48]
The members of the Black Caucus are looking for some of that kind of power too.
[04:48 - 04:54]
Talk to a black member of Congress and they'll tell you he represents much more than simply his
[04:54 - 04:58]
own district. This additional burden often is not by choice and
[04:58 - 05:03]
important part of the congressman's job is to act as an on blood xmen between the various
[05:03 - 05:08]
federal agencies and his own constituents. If a man does not receive his
[05:08 - 05:12]
Social Security check once to get into or out of the army feels his mail
[05:12 - 05:17]
service is poor or has any other complaint about the federal government. He can often get
[05:17 - 05:22]
action by writing his congressman. The black congressman also finds that he not only
[05:22 - 05:27]
receives mail from his own district but also mail from blacks and other parts of the nation
[05:27 - 05:32]
who are represented by whites. Again Augustus Hawkins of California.
[05:32 - 05:37]
We do get a tremendous amount of mail from areas outside
[05:37 - 05:41]
of our own areas outside of our state as amount of funding.
[05:41 - 05:46]
And these inquiries letters
[05:46 - 05:51]
charges problems etc represent
[05:51 - 05:57]
the same type of problems perhaps that we have within our own district but from
[05:57 - 06:02]
individuals not directly represented by us. And obviously there is some
[06:02 - 06:09]
interest across these district lines that
[06:09 - 06:15]
cement individuals together and this is one of them.
[06:15 - 06:19]
We found for example in the black veterans and
[06:19 - 06:24]
serviceman that their problems are pretty much national in character
[06:24 - 06:30]
and. Most of the men who write to us concerning some of these
[06:30 - 06:34]
problems don't really identify what district they they come from but nevertheless they
[06:34 - 06:39]
represent problems. Probably it's a it's a base overseas
[06:39 - 06:45]
that has been the source of a great amount of discrimination patterns of discrimination.
[06:45 - 06:50]
And so in tackling a problem like this we're tackling it not for just for our own
[06:50 - 06:55]
district but for every black man and wherever we may
[06:55 - 06:57]
they come from.
[06:57 - 07:01]
So it is not unusual to hear a black congressman like paren Michel of Maryland
[07:01 - 07:06]
say he and his black colleagues represent most of this nation's black
[07:06 - 07:09]
citizens whether they're in their district or not.
[07:09 - 07:15]
23 25 million black Americans some of whom have black
[07:15 - 07:19]
representation others do not. All of them are
[07:19 - 07:25]
theoretically represented in the Congress. But inside in the deep
[07:25 - 07:30]
south states. They really don't have any representation.
[07:30 - 07:34]
So I see my job as a congressman serving in the
[07:34 - 07:40]
Congressional Black Caucus as really representing blacks across the nation who
[07:40 - 07:44]
are in difficulty. And we're not getting adequate representation.
[07:44 - 07:49]
That's in addition to of course the job of representing the constituents in my district
[07:49 - 07:55]
Caucus members what Congressman Duffy although when the caucus takes a stand it is speaking as
[07:55 - 07:59]
the elected representative of this nation's blacks. The 12 congressmen say
[07:59 - 08:04]
they are the highest elected black officials in the nation right now and House
[08:04 - 08:08]
Majority Leader hell biogs agrees with them.
[08:08 - 08:12]
Well I think the effectiveness is in the. Present a point of
[08:12 - 08:17]
view. Representative you take a. If
[08:17 - 08:20]
you're not a mostly.
[08:20 - 08:24]
Black community of the United States and it represents roughly 20 to 23 million people
[08:24 - 08:30]
on the other side of the aisle Representative John Anderson of Illinois chairman of the House
[08:30 - 08:35]
Republican Conference says he also feels the caucus members are speaking for this
[08:35 - 08:37]
nation's black community.
[08:37 - 08:42]
I realize that that opinion political opinion in the black
[08:42 - 08:46]
community in this country ranges the spectrum from those who support the
[08:46 - 08:51]
militants who speak the language of violence and those who are.
[08:51 - 08:55]
Like the late Whitney Young men who certainly gave every evidence of being
[08:55 - 09:00]
dissatisfied with conditions as far as blacks are concerned and yet willing to
[09:00 - 09:05]
try to work out peaceful solutions. And I think as I look
[09:05 - 09:10]
over the. The black members of the U.S. House of Representatives that there are all of them
[09:10 - 09:15]
responsible men who have been honored by. Through the
[09:15 - 09:20]
elective process to be representatives and to come to Washington to speak for
[09:20 - 09:25]
the black community in the district and in the state that they represent. And by and
[09:25 - 09:30]
large I think they do represent the responsible voices that ought to be listened
[09:30 - 09:32]
to. The black community in our country.
[09:32 - 09:38]
Caucus members feel that when they take a stand they can pressure white congressmen
[09:38 - 09:43]
who have blacks in their district to vote with the caucus. This so-called ripple
[09:43 - 09:47]
effect says Missouri's William Clay could give the caucus as many as
[09:47 - 09:49]
150 votes.
[09:49 - 09:54]
But I think we have to look at the 12 black members of Congress
[09:54 - 09:59]
from a different perspective. Even though we constitute only 12
[09:59 - 10:04]
actual votes are potential here in the house or somewhere in the neighborhood of a hundred
[10:04 - 10:09]
and fifty votes because I say that because there are a hundred and seventy
[10:09 - 10:14]
three congressional districts in this country where the percentage of
[10:14 - 10:19]
black vote is anywhere from 10 to 50 percent.
[10:19 - 10:24]
And in many instances that black vote out there is a
[10:24 - 10:28]
balance of power in those congressional districts had Blacks stayed at home
[10:28 - 10:34]
or had they voted for a different person then
[10:34 - 10:38]
these hundred fifty congressmen wouldn't be sitting here today. So
[10:38 - 10:44]
I view our numbers here in as many many more than 12.
[10:44 - 10:48]
You know our job now is to analyze those districts
[10:48 - 10:54]
pinpoint the congressman who should be voting for our best interests
[10:54 - 10:56]
and to make sure that we get a vote.
[10:56 - 11:02]
Democrat Morris Udall of Howrah Zona a liberal member of the house and a candidate for the
[11:02 - 11:07]
majority leader's post during the last Democratic Caucus agrees with Clay's
[11:07 - 11:12]
analysis of the potential power of the Black Caucus. UDALL used himself
[11:12 - 11:13]
as an example.
[11:13 - 11:18]
Well there's an implication here I think these 12 have considerable leverage in that there's an
[11:18 - 11:23]
implication here for those of us who have substantial black constituencies if I'm a
[11:23 - 11:28]
white man representing half a million people and 10 percent of them are black
[11:28 - 11:32]
I'm going to think twice before I will go against
[11:32 - 11:38]
a key movement a key bill a key amendment that's been debated and sponsored
[11:38 - 11:43]
by the Black Caucus my black constituents are going to wonder what
[11:43 - 11:47]
explanation I have if the Black Caucus here in Washington is determined that a certain vote is
[11:47 - 11:52]
necessary and I have refused to go along with them so from the
[11:52 - 11:57]
standpoint of there's a shock wave effect that goes out and they can put a little bit of pressure on
[11:57 - 11:59]
a lot of the congressmen the white congressmen.
[11:59 - 12:05]
There is another important aspect of power in the house. The assignment of committees
[12:05 - 12:11]
the committee assignments each member draws often have a direct correlation to how much power
[12:11 - 12:16]
he can wield within the walls of Congress. If a man has a seat on an important committee
[12:16 - 12:21]
say public works or Ways and Means or the Rules Committee he can often do favors
[12:21 - 12:26]
for other members. His vote is worth more and he can ask more in return
[12:26 - 12:31]
for it. A well placed committee chairman or a man with a swing vote on a
[12:31 - 12:36]
committee can often decide the fate of a piece of legislation long before it ever gets
[12:36 - 12:40]
to the floor where the entire membership of the House could vote on it. Thus the
[12:40 - 12:45]
Black Caucus has tried to improve the position of its members on House committees. There
[12:45 - 12:50]
has been a definite improvement in committee assignments for the black members between the ninety
[12:50 - 12:55]
first and ninety second Congresses. The black caucus takes some of the credit but there
[12:55 - 12:57]
were other factors to consider.
[12:57 - 13:02]
Representative Perrin Mitchell of Maryland there's no question but that the committee
[13:02 - 13:06]
assignments reflected clog if you want to call it that of the home.
[13:06 - 13:11]
When the when the 90 second Congress convened and even before that
[13:11 - 13:18]
the caucus had been meeting and I had met with them developing a strategy and the strategies
[13:18 - 13:22]
that there are so few of us in the house only a handful only a dozen
[13:22 - 13:28]
that strategically would be far more important to have us represented on as many committees as
[13:28 - 13:32]
possible rather than having us concentrated on one to appoint
[13:32 - 13:34]
committees.
[13:34 - 13:38]
And that was a strategic decision to play golf and I think it's
[13:38 - 13:43]
clear that the Congress had the clout to deliver on that strategy in the first
[13:43 - 13:48]
session of the 94 US Congress the eight black members served on eight different committees
[13:48 - 13:53]
four were on Education and Labor already a traditionally liberal Committee.
[13:53 - 13:58]
Others served on Judiciary House administration District of Columbia
[13:58 - 14:03]
foreign affairs Veterans Affairs the post office and Civil Service Committee
[14:03 - 14:08]
and the Internal Security Committee. No black representative served on what I
[14:08 - 14:12]
consider to be the three most powerful House committees rules ways and
[14:12 - 14:17]
means our appropriations. And the 90 second Congress the black
[14:17 - 14:22]
representatives picked up seats on six new committees including Public Works
[14:22 - 14:27]
banking and currency and most important a seat on the Appropriations Committee.
[14:27 - 14:32]
Representative Clay points out these committees work in areas important to black
[14:32 - 14:33]
Americans.
[14:33 - 14:38]
The legislation is flows through these committees have a very
[14:38 - 14:44]
important impact on the people that we represent.
[14:44 - 14:49]
On banking and currency. For instance all of the major housing
[14:49 - 14:53]
legislation goes through their holy of federal subsidized housing
[14:53 - 14:58]
programs both middle income and low income housing. Public
[14:58 - 15:03]
housing goes through there also. So you know we have some
[15:03 - 15:08]
kind of an impact on the kinds of decisions that will
[15:08 - 15:13]
come from that committee now on appropriations all of your money bills go through there.
[15:13 - 15:17]
And we now have somebody on that committee representing our interests.
[15:17 - 15:22]
The question then is did the black members of Congress receive these better assignments because they
[15:22 - 15:27]
organized a definite positive answer isn't possible as representative
[15:27 - 15:32]
Morris Udall points out the organization did help. But the leadership in the
[15:32 - 15:37]
house was in the process of changing with the retirement of Speaker John McCormick. And
[15:37 - 15:41]
that's who may have had something to do with a better committee assignments there.
[15:41 - 15:46]
Of awareness I think an increasing awareness of the needs
[15:46 - 15:51]
and demands of the black people growing out of the city crisis. There are also a large
[15:51 - 15:56]
number of blacks they added three or four new wins in this Congress and this
[15:56 - 16:01]
was the first time in which they had begun to make these kinds of demands a group of five or six isn't
[16:01 - 16:06]
really much you know if you can ignore a group of that kind with impunity when you get to be 12 and
[16:06 - 16:10]
when you when that 12 professes to speak to 25 million Americans you can't very well
[16:10 - 16:15]
ignore it. Also we had a leadership change this year in which a
[16:15 - 16:20]
new leader Carl Albert a new speaker was attempting to to show his concern and
[16:20 - 16:25]
take charge and he was apprehensive you at least wanted to make sure that his election was carried
[16:25 - 16:26]
off.
[16:26 - 16:31]
There are a number of candidates for House Majority Leader Democratic majority leader and these candidates were anxious to
[16:31 - 16:36]
show the 12 block vote that they had concern and so I suppose promises and
[16:36 - 16:41]
assurances were made in that kind of an atmosphere that might not have been made if you've had a stable
[16:41 - 16:42]
leadership situation.
[16:42 - 16:47]
It should also be noted that many white congressmen also receive the chance to better their
[16:47 - 16:52]
committee assignments. The new leadership expanded 11 of the 21 standing
[16:52 - 16:57]
committees in the house to permit more members to serve on these committees seats were
[16:57 - 17:02]
added to agriculture appropriations of banking and currency. Veterans Affairs
[17:02 - 17:07]
and Public Works. So majority leader hell box feels that most of his fellow
[17:07 - 17:12]
Democrats black and white are satisfied with the committee assignments they
[17:12 - 17:16]
received the committee assignments this year to keep all its new
[17:16 - 17:20]
members incoming members who.
[17:20 - 17:24]
In my judgment would be exceptionally good. I
[17:24 - 17:29]
know of few if any members of the House who today I mean Democratic
[17:29 - 17:34]
members were not pleased with the committee's whether white black or whether they come from a city 0
[17:34 - 17:36]
from the country whether young or old in between.
[17:36 - 17:42]
The black members say they feel the new House leadership was more sympathetic to their desires
[17:42 - 17:47]
than the old leadership. The fact that the Caucus members were organized helped
[17:47 - 17:52]
but pressure was also put on the leadership from other sources especially from the new
[17:52 - 17:57]
members of Congress who are actually not to have to wait for a good committee assignments.
[17:57 - 18:02]
The caucus it would seem deserve some but not all the credit. There
[18:02 - 18:07]
was another interesting point brought out by the recent leadership changes in the house.
[18:07 - 18:11]
While the Black Caucus did approach those running for leadership positions Caucus
[18:11 - 18:16]
members did not vote as a bloc during the Democratic caucus. The 12 black
[18:16 - 18:21]
congressman split their votes among several candidates for reasons having nothing to do with
[18:21 - 18:22]
the Black Caucus.
[18:22 - 18:27]
Representative Maurice you to all of our Zona who ran for the majority leader's position and
[18:27 - 18:32]
lost explains I noticed kind of ironically I was a candidate
[18:32 - 18:37]
for majority leader and we had a very intense campaign for four five months leading up to the
[18:37 - 18:41]
caucus in January and the Black Caucus had
[18:41 - 18:46]
meetings with each of the candidates and announced that they were going to use the
[18:46 - 18:51]
clout of the increasingly large black membership to force events here to make
[18:51 - 18:56]
sure that the man who got their voter block a vote who's the man who's going to do the
[18:56 - 19:01]
most for the blacks. Well the star sounded very good but I told someone
[19:01 - 19:06]
there is no more unity in voting on this matter than in the black caucus than there
[19:06 - 19:11]
was in the white caucus on the first ballot with five candidates. I think
[19:11 - 19:16]
at least for the candidates had the black votes and they were scattered all over the
[19:16 - 19:21]
place it into a kind of interesting study in other things
[19:21 - 19:25]
overrode the Black Caucus concept of having a unit ruler unit vote
[19:25 - 19:31]
black from one of the blacks in California felt obliged to vote cast for a candidate who was in
[19:31 - 19:36]
California another black in that state felt other considerations were more important.
[19:36 - 19:41]
One of the blacks had a personal friendship with another candidate because they sit next to each other on a
[19:41 - 19:46]
committee and this was not a candidate who had been known to do a lot for Black to take a
[19:46 - 19:51]
particular interest in the problem. Geography compelled two others to go for still another
[19:51 - 19:55]
candidate same state idea. And so it went there was really no unity on a very
[19:55 - 20:00]
crucial issue of this kind in the Black Caucus even though if they had announced that they were going to
[20:00 - 20:03]
be very careful about how they gave their votes and maybe even vote as a bloc.
[20:03 - 20:09]
When many of the caucus members were asked if they ever disagreed with their fellow black
[20:09 - 20:13]
congressman the answer was usually that it would be impossible to find any 12
[20:13 - 20:18]
congressmen on Capitol Hill who all agreed on all the same issues. The
[20:18 - 20:23]
fact is that the 12 black members of Congress are all leaders from their own districts have
[20:23 - 20:28]
very different personalities and of other things to consider besides race when
[20:28 - 20:32]
they vote on any particular issue. A good example of this is the ss
[20:32 - 20:37]
t the supersonic transport representative Augustus Hawkins is in favor of the
[20:37 - 20:42]
project because it means jobs for the people in his district. Missouri's William
[20:42 - 20:47]
Clay felt the pressure of labor unions in his district for whom the ss t
[20:47 - 20:51]
also meant jobs. But Clay also felt the ss t was an example of
[20:51 - 20:56]
misplaced priorities and so he voted against it. Black
[20:56 - 21:01]
Caucus members than can often find themselves facing conflicting pressures as
[21:01 - 21:06]
can any other member of Congress. Charles Diggs of the tribe comes from a town where
[21:06 - 21:11]
labor unions are strong aerospace plays a big part in the districts of Augustus
[21:11 - 21:16]
Hawkins and William Clay two members of the caucus are from Illinois. And that
[21:16 - 21:20]
means the Dally political machine Congressman Clay meets frequently with other
[21:20 - 21:25]
Missouri congressman to discuss issues important to that state and other members do the
[21:25 - 21:30]
same thing. Representative Yudof of our Zona feels that eventually
[21:30 - 21:35]
these conflicting interests might create friction within the caucus and might
[21:35 - 21:37]
split the group.
[21:37 - 21:41]
I think one thing however you're going to have to you'll see develop in this Black Caucus
[21:41 - 21:48]
and it's inevitable in human affairs I suppose you begin to see splits and feuds
[21:48 - 21:53]
and conflicting ambitions and so far they've
[21:53 - 21:54]
maintained a unity.
[21:54 - 21:59]
But there are some very capable very bright and very ambitious men here and there's always a
[21:59 - 22:04]
temptation to stake out a position for oneself as the spokesman for the black people of
[22:04 - 22:08]
America I'm afraid that down the road some of these conflicts which you're
[22:08 - 22:13]
now all talk about quietly are not out in the open.
[22:13 - 22:16]
May may burst out in the open a little bit more.
[22:16 - 22:22]
The caucus has been careful not to let this happen. For one thing it does not take
[22:22 - 22:26]
unanimous stands on issues its members do not agree upon. Eight of the 12 members
[22:26 - 22:31]
must agree before the group takes a united stand out the chances are that if even
[22:31 - 22:36]
one or two members are in very strong opposition no stand at all will be
[22:36 - 22:41]
taken on that particular issue by the caucus. It is difficult to say who
[22:41 - 22:46]
is the leader of the group and in fact there most probably is no single leader
[22:46 - 22:51]
Charles Diggs is the chairman. But some members note he is the most senior man who
[22:51 - 22:55]
wanted the job. Congressman Hawkins feels the biggest differences among the
[22:55 - 22:59]
caucus members are in the area of style.
[22:59 - 23:04]
I don't think we differ very much on issues I think that basically we differ pretty much on stunnel
[23:04 - 23:09]
but not not really on issues I cant recall any
[23:09 - 23:13]
really specific basic issues on which weve had any
[23:13 - 23:17]
great disagreement obviously on many.
[23:17 - 23:23]
Minor issues we know we differ depending on our districts
[23:23 - 23:30]
obviously on an issue which would involve let's say whether
[23:30 - 23:35]
certain contracts let's say in defense
[23:35 - 23:39]
would would go west or would stay East that those of us
[23:39 - 23:44]
representing Western areas would be for these contracts going west depending on our
[23:44 - 23:49]
districts. So there have been some regional differences.
[23:49 - 23:54]
And there have been obviously some differences on
[23:54 - 23:59]
personality is there which sometimes arise out of a
[23:59 - 24:04]
regional or sectional interests. On the selection of
[24:04 - 24:10]
a person such as leadership in the organization
[24:10 - 24:14]
of the Congress itself that would obviously be some of us who would favor one
[24:14 - 24:20]
individual over another depending on what section of the country we come from.
[24:20 - 24:24]
But these have been relatively minor and actually the differences have been I think
[24:24 - 24:26]
almost negligible.
[24:26 - 24:32]
Hawkins also sees the caucus as a moderating influence on black congressman polling
[24:32 - 24:34]
all toward a middle position.
[24:34 - 24:39]
I think that also that it will it will
[24:39 - 24:44]
serve to some extent to reduce some of the rivalry that will
[24:44 - 24:48]
exist always I think among minority groups because they
[24:48 - 24:54]
are more militant and that is that there are certain great differences
[24:54 - 24:59]
within the caucus among the members that style their approach to
[24:59 - 25:03]
problems. And I think that as we progress and we
[25:03 - 25:09]
find that clear cut answers are not
[25:09 - 25:14]
always easy to come by that all of the members will
[25:14 - 25:18]
drift towards a a center in which the
[25:18 - 25:22]
even the most conservative members will I think
[25:22 - 25:29]
have more of a. Fighting
[25:29 - 25:33]
posture and some of the most
[25:33 - 25:37]
liberal ones I think will begin to understand that
[25:37 - 25:44]
talk is one thing but that getting action is quite another thing and so I think
[25:44 - 25:48]
that these differences will be somehow melted
[25:48 - 25:53]
down to a good constructive approach to the problems of getting
[25:53 - 25:57]
real results while the constituents and for the country.
[25:57 - 26:02]
So the caucus keeps together in part by only taking up issues on which the members agree.
[26:02 - 26:07]
By staying away from issues where the members strongly disagree and because Caucus
[26:07 - 26:12]
members see the advantages of taking a united stand they are often willing to give a little in
[26:12 - 26:17]
one way or the other. Eventually the Black Caucus hopes to get together a
[26:17 - 26:21]
staff and to begin studying issues to see how they affect blacks.
[26:21 - 26:26]
The direct election of the president is a good example. Many blacks as Congressman
[26:26 - 26:31]
Clay were for such reform because it was a liberal issue until it was
[26:31 - 26:36]
discovered that the direct election of the president would weaken black political power.
[26:36 - 26:40]
The caucus is now trying to raise $100000 to pay for a staff to make
[26:40 - 26:45]
studies of how certain bills will affect blacks and to keep track of how well other
[26:45 - 26:50]
congressmen represent their own black constituents. Perhaps the most
[26:50 - 26:55]
optimistic view of the caucus comes from Representative John Conyers although not
[26:55 - 26:59]
impressed with the changes that he has seen so far. CONYERS feels better things are on the
[26:59 - 27:04]
horizon for blacks in Congress and he sees the caucus as part of a new black
[27:04 - 27:05]
awareness.
[27:05 - 27:10]
We recognize that the black caucus is a very new and
[27:10 - 27:14]
exciting notion because it it does something that
[27:14 - 27:19]
blacks have never been able to see before the formation
[27:19 - 27:25]
of black political leaders initiating their
[27:25 - 27:30]
own programs speaking out to the president.
[27:30 - 27:36]
Unifying against nominees to the Supreme
[27:36 - 27:39]
Court fighting in mass for
[27:39 - 27:45]
better kinds of legislation that affect the
[27:45 - 27:50]
poor and especially the black. This is a very new and
[27:50 - 27:54]
exciting concept to black people here regardless of what the
[27:54 - 27:59]
immediate effect has been and been in terms of productivity So
[27:59 - 28:04]
here is an exhilarating for them you're living example of black unity
[28:04 - 28:08]
in a specific which no
[28:08 - 28:15]
substance too much of the rhetoric that goes on in the black community in
[28:15 - 28:20]
terms of uniting and joining together and becoming
[28:20 - 28:25]
brothers and recognizing our heritage and gaining black consciousness.
[28:25 - 28:30]
Perhaps someday there will be no need for a black caucus. No need for members of the
[28:30 - 28:34]
House of Representatives to meet on the basis of race. That time may still be a
[28:34 - 28:39]
long way off but it is getting closer in part because of the work of the
[28:39 - 28:41]
Black Caucus.
[28:41 - 28:46]
DAVID MARGAN lays narrating that production from the Washington reporting program
[28:46 - 28:51]
of the University of Missouri's Graduate School of Journalism and E.R. as a
[28:51 - 28:56]
special of the week returns at this time next week from an E.R. the
[28:56 - 28:58]
national educational radio network.
🔍