H-NET BOOK REVIEW
Published by H-SAWH@h-net.msu.edu (February, 2000)
Michele Gillespie and Catherine Clinton, eds. Taking Off the White
Gloves: Southern Women and Women Historians. Southern Women
Series. Columbia and London: University of Missouri Press, 1998. x
+ 187 pp. Bibliographical references and index. $27.50 (cloth),
ISBN 0-8262-1209-3.
Reviewed for H-SAWH by Sheila Phipps phippssr@appstate.edu,
Department of History, Appalachian State University
Getting Down to Business
To mark its thirtieth anniversary, the Southern Association for
Women Historians published this volume of lectures given by some of
the organization's most illustrious members over the past fifteen
years. Taking Off the White Gloves: Southern Women and Women
Historians, edited by Michele Gillespie and Catherine Clinton,
offers a look at both the scholarship and scholars of southern
women's history, at the challenges facing both the women who lived
the southern past and the women who attempt to uncover it.
According to the editors, the volume's title evokes a traditional
fashion for southern women, who wore white gloves only when they
were not doing manual labor, and symbolizes historians' task of
"getting down to the 'unfinished business' of southern women's
history" (pp. 1-2). Another cultural understanding of "taking off
the gloves," however, is also subtly apparent within the collection.
When a man was provoked into a fistfight, he would often take off
his gloves and throw them to the ground, signaling to his opponent
that he did not intend to soften in any way the impact of his fist
upon the other man's chin. Not merely getting down to business, a
pugilist who threw down the gauntlet was issuing a challenge. The
same could be said for some of the historians represented in this
volume, who dare other scholars to make use of all tools possible in
order to include women in the southern story and make a place for
women historians in the profession. The distinguished scholars who
present their work in this volume are taking off their gloves, and
some of them are throwing them to the ground.
The essays offered in this collection, which were all presented as
lectures at SAWH or Southern Historical Association conferences,
portray southern women's lives during several eras. In "Columbus
Meets Pocahontas in the American South," Theda Perdue covers the
colonial period by dramatizing the initial meeting of European men
and Native American women. Columbus and Pocahontas, who of course
never met, represent "invader and defender, man and woman" (p. 82).
Perdue uses the device of a fictitious encounter to examine the
misconceptions European men held of Native women based upon cultural
expectations. Native women's clothing, adornment, and directness
born of an egalitarian society signified for European men
uninhibited sexuality. White men, blinded by sexual standards
imposed by notions of ownership, could not see Native sexual
prohibitions that were based upon spiritual beliefs and respect for
the balance of nature.
Jean B. Lee's lecture calls for historians to shift from a
telescopic to a microscopic focus in order to "Experience the
American Revolution." Lee argues that the true experience of the
Revolution has been remolded by successive generations until it has
become "more imaginatively celebrated than authentically remembered"
(p. 101). Nineteenth-century patriots used the Revolution to forge
a nation splintering under the crush of change generated by
industrial capitalism. Late twentieth-century historians have
submerged the human story of the American experiment under lofty
studies of ideology and debates over the social and economic causes
of revolt. For Lee, the Revolution can be resurrected best by
studies that are site-specific, such as her own work on Charles
County, Maryland, an area shaped by the war even though no actual
battles occurred there.
Catherine Clinton's "Sex and the Sectional Conflict" focuses on the
"sexual politics" leading up to the Civil War (p. 44). As northern
abolitionists stepped up their pressure against the South's stubborn
retention of slavery, rhetorical debates between the sections
increasingly used feminine metaphors to tinge the opposing region
with weakness. In this context, Clinton argues, the South viewed
northern abolitionists as unmanly individuals led by female
reformers who had turned from their proper sphere to participate in
public agitation, even speaking to "promiscuous audiences" of both
women and men (p. 60). On the other hand, Clinton interprets John
Brown's raid on the federal arsenal at Harper's Ferry in western
Virginia as a sexual assault on a weakening South. Indeed, she
asserts that the "sexualized language" adopted by the South to
describe Brown's raid is evidence that southerners viewed his attack
as a "figurative 'rape'" (p. 60). According to Clinton, Brown had
to be executed for his crime "not in spite of but because of white
southern admiration" for Brown's manly and courageous act (p. 62).
Furthermore, Brown's crime against the South offered northern male
abolitionists "an opportunity to break free of the feminization of
abolitionism" and heralded the "dawning of an era of martial virtue"
(p. 61).
Suzanne Lebsock's lecture on the suffrage movement in Virginia
acquits southern white women suffragists of Aileen Kraditor's
well-known charge of "expediency" and issues a lesser indictment of
"not-so-bad" (p. 40).[1] For "Woman Suffrage and White Supremacy: A
Virginia Case Study," Lebsock searched through suffrage meeting
records and editorials in Virginia newspapers from 1912 to 1920,
uncovering few racial arguments by either side in the suffrage
debate. In fact, when race did surface in the dialogue, it was the
antisuffragists who raised it, while the suffragists deemed "white
supremacy...a bogus issue" (p. 34). In Virginia, as in the rest of
the country, the suffrage "argument came straight from the national
book," focusing on the rights and/or privileges of voting, rather
than the argument that the votes of white women would counter black
men's ballots (p. 32). Lebsock argues that Virginia's failure to
pass either a state suffrage amendment or the federal Anthony
Amendment stemmed less from racism than from the state's "opposition
to feminism" (p. 37).
Other studies in the volume reveal that even without the vote
southern women have been politically active. Taking Off the White
Gloves illustrates women's history's integrative approach to
studying the past, blending economic, labor, political, and social
history with oral history, literary analysis, and cultural history
to find the half of the human story that has been missing. Glenda
Elizabeth Gilmore's article, "'But She Can't Find Her [V. O.] Key':
Writing Gender and Race into Southern Political History," is a prime
example. Gilmore argues that a study of events leading to the armed
attack against black citizens in Wilmington, N.C., in 1898
demonstrates that the rapid political fall of male white
supremacists cannot be understood "until we write about" their
experiences "by gendering and racing politics" (p. 127). When white
supremacists editorialized their views that whites were superior,
that black women were morally inferior, and that black men lacked
the qualities necessary to vote responsibly, black women responded
by not only refusing to show deference to white women but striking
"back in the language of the streets" (p. 131). Unlike political
historians such as V. O. Key, Gilmore argues that the white
supremacists knew that "they did not act with impunity in a
lily-white male world" (p. 134).
Mary Frederickson's essay, entitled "'Sassing Fate': Women Workers
in the Twentieth-Century South," illustrates the use of both
cliometrics and "life histories" to better understand the economic
struggles of southern working women during the first decades of the
twentieth century (p. 18). Analyzing the limited job opportunities
available to both white and black women who rarely, if ever, enjoyed
the luxury of wearing white gloves, Frederickson argues that these
women slowly left agricultural and domestic employment to enter the
industrial work force. As a backdrop to the women's rough working
lives, Frederickson illustrates the conflicts these female workers
faced in their personal lives, from living in poor conditions on
subsistence farms or in cramped apartments to enduring abusive
relationships. These very struggles, however, gave women
familiarity with "survival strategies" that "primed women for
collective action...when the opportunity to participate in
collective protests" against unfair employment practices arose (p.
22).
In "'A Stronger Soul within a Finer Frame': Writing a Literary
History of Black Women," Darlene Clark Hine urges historians of
black women to be creative and flexible in their approaches. What
Hine labels the "second wave" of Black Women's Studies understands
that "it is no longer sufficient to add Black women" to existing
scholarship "and stir" (p. 160). According to Hine, the field
needs a framework dynamic enough to "clearly depict the 'soul' with
all its complexity" (p. 159). Such a framework would make use of
all forms of black women's expression, including autobiography, art,
dance, quilting, body language, oral histories, and fashion. Even
the way black women adorned themselves, Hine argues, loudly
communicated their self-identification when their voices were
threatened into silence. Hine urges us to listen.
One trend apparent in Taking Off the White Gloves is that when
scholars find ways to locate women's experiences in the past, they
discover innovative avenues for research and abandon the stale,
dichotomous searches for right and wrong, good and evil, oppressor
and oppressed. Instead, as these essays exhibit, the free use of
historical imagination and close analysis of subtle documents shed
light on the gray-shaded areas where human beings really live.
Lebsock's analytical approach to the suffrage movement in Virginia,
for example, helped her "rehabilitat[e] the reputation of the white
woman suffragists" because she understood "that bad and not-so-bad
are worth distinguishing from one another" (pp. 30, 40). Likewise,
Clinton mixed power and status with gender in her term "penarchy" to
explain the control elite white men in the antebellum South had over
not only women and blacks but white men of the lower classes as
well. Lee's study of Revolution-era life in Charles County,
Maryland, required her to apply several approaches, both traditional
and social, to create "a coherent narrative of revolution and war"
that included all segments of society (p. 104). Gilmore discarded
the "Balkanization of history" that she believes is separating
subfields and obscuring the gray-shaded areas of the past (p. 139).
Her willingness to study less-chronicled incidents leading up to the
Wilmington massacre "expand[s] the site of political places where
African Americans practiced resistance" to public sidewalks, thus
applying cultural anthropology to a political history of the
postbellum South (p. 139).
Another thread unifying this volume is "the insistence by so many of
[the] authors that the personal is political" (p. 4). Although true
of the scholarly studies, this maxim is even more apparent in the
lectures that focus on women's efforts to gain a place in the
historical profession. Virginia Van Der Veer Hamilton's piece,
"Clio's Daughters: Whence and Whither," begins with the rather droll
observation that at least women historians have been granted the
title "historian" and haven't had to fight off a label like
"historianness" (p. 64). Hamilton's look at women's entrance into
the profession begins with Mary Beard, who, although an academic in
her own right and one of the first to apply an integrative approach
to historical research, was considered merely her husband's
assistant by his peers. Hamilton goes on to discuss "the academic
wife as typist," proofreader, illustrator, researcher, and
ghost-writer (p. 70). These wives, Hamilton argues, were "like
sharecroppers...perform[ing] hard physical labor on someone else's
property" (p. 70).
Women's entrance into the profession was difficult, stymied by the
gender-based assumption that academe was "too hard on a woman's
nervous system" and "they can't take the pressure" (p. 72). As
Hamilton notes, however, the pressure was stepped up a few notches
for the women who tried. Work that women did had to be their
"absolute best," not just "passing quality" (p. 74). In graduate
programs, grade discrimination faced even those whose work rivaled
that of male students. Once women did obtain teaching positions,
their own gender assumptions often impeded their professional lives,
as many "felt obliged to defer to male peers" (p. 75). Women faced
salary discrimination and were often thwarted in their attempts to
serve as department chairs because faculty did not believe "that
first-class male scholars could...be recruited by a female
department head" (p. 76). Challenges such as these "burned
themselves" into Hamilton's nervous system, and, fortunately for the
profession, she found the strength to overcome them (p. 74).
Likewise, Anne Firor Scott's "Unfinished Business" examines women's
historical consciousness. Women who understood that their
experiences had historical significance -- such as westering pioneer
women, women who suffered through the Civil War, and women involved
in the suffrage movement -- began to record their personal
histories. The first female scholars who, in the 1920s and 1930s,
began to write histories of such southern women, however, met with
little acclaim. Despite "excellent" work, "theirs was an area not
yet recognized by the gatekeepers as a legitimate field of study,"
writes Scott (p. 118). That would have to wait until the 1970s,
for the young female graduate students who "had been exhilarated and
energized by the civil rights movement." In Scott's view,
historians of southern women have advanced professionally up to the
present, as "the field continues to grow both in substance...and in
theoretical sophistication" (p. 119).
Carol Bleser's "Tokens of Affection: The First Three Women
Presidents of the Southern Historical Association" complements the
professional retrospectives of Hamilton and Scott. Bleser honors
the three women who first pushed past the "gatekeepers" and gained
recognition in the field of southern history, exemplified by their
election to the presidency of the SHA: Ella Lonn (1946), Kathryn
Abby Hanna (1953), and Mary Elizabeth Massey (1972). Although only
Massey worked in the subfield of southern women's history, all three
women broke down barriers that had slowed women's entrance into the
profession.
As this volume illustrates and Scott argues, since women have
entered the profession in great numbers "women's history has
followed a separate track from the grand narratives of the American
past created by male historians." This brings us back to the
metaphor of taking off the gloves and throwing them to the ground as
a challenge. None of these scholars shows any reticence about
declaring where adjustments to traditional scholarship need to be
made. Nor are the historians shy about the way they phrase their
opinions of past mistakes. In response to Kraditor's thesis that
white women suffragists leaned to the right to gain support, for
instance, Lebsock answers: "Of course the suffrage movement made
itself more respectable; you do not get the Constitution of the
United States amended by calling yourself a bolshevik" (p. 30).
Lebsock argues that there is a wide range between right and wrong,
including actions on the path to political expedience. For her
part, Lee also throws down the gauntlet, squarely facing off against
the "near obsession with the role of ideology" in studies of the
American Revolution and dubbing the debate over ideological origins
"the kudzu of Revolutionary scholarship" (p. 102). Perhaps the
volume's most outspoken challenger to a dichotomous approach comes
from Gilmore. She laments that the sad assumption that southern
white males existed in only two classes -- elite and yeoman -- was
propagated by Wilbur S. Cash, who "ironically...ignored the man he
was: an urban, middle-class reporter harnessed to wage labor by a
New South rag; a commuter, living with his mamma" (p. 137).
Despite the rich scholarship and fine humor displayed in Taking Off
the White Gloves, the collection suffers from a few problems. Since
the articles are arranged chronologically by the dates the speeches
were delivered, the focus of scholarship seems rambling, with the
eras out of sync. This causes some confusion. It would have been
more coherent if the chapters had been organized into parts, with
research lectures organized chronologically by topic in one section
and the professional perspectives in another.
There are also times when southern distinctiveness, promised in the
introduction, is missing. For instance, Frederickson does not make
clear what is distinctively southern about the financial problems
faced by the women in her study, other than that these women moved
out of an agricultural economy later than women in the Northeast.
Throughout the country, women who struggled economically early in
the twentieth century faced similar difficulties. What, besides
timing, made southern women's challenges distinct? The same can be
asked of Lee. What was distinctively southern about the
Revolutionary-era experiences of Charles County, Maryland? Since
one-third of the population has been considered "disaffected" by the
Revolution, it is likely that communities in northern colonies
experienced similar transformations.
These are minor complaints about a volume that has a great deal to
offer. What better way to celebrate thirty years of the Southern
Association for Women Historians than to display the work, methods,
criticisms, and professional struggles of some of the most
distinguished scholars in the field? Any student who intends to
focus on this specialty would be well served to read Taking Off the
White Gloves first. Although many of the volume's exhortations to
approach southern women's history from a new perspective have been
taken up, the book still provides a wealth of exciting ideas for
innovative scholarship. Taking Off the White Gloves demonstrates
that the work of southern women's history is being accomplished by
making use of any and all available tools, just as Gerda Lerner
proposed a quarter of a century ago.[2]
Notes
[1]. Aileen S. Kraditor, The Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement,
1890-1920 (N.Y.: Columbia Univ. Press, 1965).
[2]. See Gerda Lerner, "Placing Women in History: Definitions and
Challenges," Feminist Studies 3 (Fall 1975): 5-14.
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