H-NET BOOK REVIEW
Published by H-Women@h-net.msu.edu (May, 2000)
Hyman A. Enzer and Sandra Solotaroff-Enzer, eds. Anne Frank.
Reflections on Her Life and Legacy. Urbana and Chicago:
University of Illinois Press, 2000. xxv + 285 pp. Notes,
bibliography, and index. $49.95 (cloth), ISBN 0-252-02472-9;
$21.95 (paper), 0-252-06823-8.
Reviewed for H-Women by E. Thomas Ewing ,
Department of History, Virginia Tech
"I see the eight of us in the Annex as if we were a patch of
blue sky surrounded by menacing black clouds. The perfectly
round spot on which we're standing is still safe, but the clouds
are moving in on us, and the ring between us and the approaching
danger is being pulled tighter and tighter. We're surrounded by
darkness and danger, and in our desperate search for a way out
we keep bumping into each other."[1]
Lines like these have made Anne Frank one of the most
significant individuals of the twentieth century, as her diary
became recognized as a powerful expression of the fate of
European Jews during the Holocaust. For two years, beginning in
July, 1942 the four members of the Frank family, the three
members of the Van Pels family, and Fritz Pfeffer were in hiding
in the back rooms of a house in Nazi-occupied Holland. In
August 1944, Anne Frank and the others were arrested and
transported to concentration camps, where they all perished,
with the exception of Otto Frank, Anne's father. Anne Frank's
diary was discovered after the raid, published in Holland in
1947, and, in the subsequent half-century, sold more than
twenty-five million copies in almost sixty languages.
Anne Frank: Reflections on Her Life and Legacy is an effort to
understand the significance of this person and her document. The
thirty-one essays are arranged into the following categories:
"History, Biography, and Authenticity" provides biographical
material about Anne Frank beyond what is contained in her diary.
"Writer and Rewriter" examines the character and quality of Anne
Frank's writing. "Anne Frank on Stage and Screen" provides
reviews and responses to theater and film depictions of the
diary. "Memorializing the Holocaust" explores the ways the
Holocaust has been understood in terms of the experiences and
expressions of Anne Frank.
The essays examining performance versions include discussions of
stage adaptations by Frances Goodrich and Albert Hackett (1955)
later revised by Wendy Kesselman (1997), the film version
produced and directed by George Stevens (1959), as well as the
documentaries "The Last Seven Months of Anne Frank" (1988) and
"Anne Frank Remembered" (1995). All of the essays have been
previously published, and some have been abridged for this
collection. In addition to the thirty-one essays, the book
contains a chronology of Anne Frank's life and legacy, an
explanation of the versions of the diary, an appendix listing
Anne Frank's other published writings, and a bibliography of
works about Anne Frank, her diary, and the Holocaust.
The selections in the first section provide descriptions of the
life and death of this young girl. First-hand accounts of Anne
Frank are provided by her cousin Bernd Elias, by childhood
friends Laureen Nussbaum and Hannah Elisabeth Pick-Goslar, by
Miep Gies and others who helped to hide the Frank family, and by
Otto Frank's own recollections of the family's deportation and
his efforts to find his family members. These selections offer
details beyond those included in the diary. Harry Paape
describes the day, August 4, 1944, when a German sergeant and
several Dutch officials raided the hiding place. After
reviewing investigations by the Dutch judiciary after the war,
Paape concludes that someone must have betrayed the families to
the German security service, but it is "no longer possible to
reconstruct exactly what happened" (p. 42).
The grim details of Anne Frank's final months are also described
by first-hand witnesses. Pick-Goslar described how she found
Anne Frank after she had been shipped from Auschwitz to the
concentration camp at Bergen-Belsen. Fearing that both her
mother and father had been killed, Anne Frank was overwhelmed by
a sense of despair: "We don't have anything to eat here, almost
nothing, and yet we are cold; we don't have any clothes and I've
gotten very thin and they shaved my hair" (p. 50). Pick-Goslar
was able to share some food received in Red Cross packages, but
then Anne Frank was transferred to another section of the camp,
where she and her sister Margot were infected with typhus. Lin
Jaldati describes both women as too ill to get out of their
bunks, yet Anne remained "friendly and sweet," and determined to
stay with her sister as long as possible. When Jaldati returned
a few days later, however, their shared plankbed was empty: "We
knew what that meant. Behind the barracks we found her. We
placed her thin body in a blanket and carried her to a mass
grave. That was all we could do" (p. 54).
The first section includes incredibly moving, but relatively
straightforward accounts of Anne Frank's life. The other three
sections, though, address more complex questions -- how to
interpret Anne Frank as a writer, as a character in theater and
film depictions, and as a symbol of the Holocaust itself. Strong
consensus exists on the power of the diary, which is described
by various authors as the source of truths about humanity, as
"an intimate account of adolescence" (p. 73), and as a window
into the soul of a "young, eager, difficult, lovable self" (p.
75) whose diary tells the story of "her growth as an artist" (p.
90). In the words of poet John Berryman, the diary is "vivid,
witty, candid, astute, dramatic, pathetic, terrible -- one falls
in love with the girl, one finds her formidable, and she breaks
one's heart" (p. 77). The common question in these accounts is
what kind of a writer Anne Frank could have become, and the
common refrain is the tragedy that so much obvious potential was
destroyed at such a young age.
Relatively few authors consider the significance of gender in
shaping both the production and reception of the diary.
According to the Dutch scholar Berteke Waaldijk, Anne Frank's
diary should be read "as a women's text" (p. 111). Waaldijk
calls particular attention to passages in Anne Frank's diary,
many of which were left out of the published versions, which
dealt with sexuality, the position of women in society, and her
own troubled relations with her mother. By examining the many
different layers contained within the diary, Waaldijk concludes
that the combination of public observations with private
introspection, all the more remarkable given the age of the
author and the context of the Holocaust, should serve as "a mode
of writing for women writers" (p. 120). The argument that
gender shaped the content of the diary is supported by Anne
Frank's own statements about the position of women in society,
including the following lines deleted from the original Dutch
publication of the diary: "One of the many questions that have
often bothered me is why women have been, and still are, thought
to be so inferior to men. . . Fortunately, education, work, and
progress have opened women's eyes. In many countries they've
been granted equal rights; many people, mainly women, but also
men, now realize how wrong it was to tolerate this state of
affairs for so long. Modern women want the right to be
completely independent! . . . I believe that in the course of
the next century the notion that it's a woman's duty to have
children will change and make way for the respect and admiration
of all women, who bear their burdens without complaint or a lot
of pompous words!" This passage, which is also quoted by
Waaldijk, supports the argument that a better understanding of
the Holocaust requires greater recognition of the influence of
gender on the attitudes and experiences of victims as well as
perpetrators.[2]
Significantly more attention is devoted to the question of the
"universality" of Anne Frank's diary. In particular, Judith
Doneson concludes that the diary, the Pulitzer Prize winning
play, and then the very popular American film meant that this
one text "evolved from a European work written by a young Jew
hiding from the Nazis in Holland to a more Americanized,
universal symbol: indeed, it became one of the first enduring
popular symbols of the Holocaust" (p. 124). The impetus for
this transformation came in part from the climate of post-war
America in which Jews and other minorities sought to become more
integrated into mainstream culture. Yet, Anne Frank's own father
also contributed to this redefinition. In the mid 1950s, during
the preparation of the script of the play, Otto Frank asserted
that more emphasis on the common elements of the story-the
anxieties shared by young people, the conflicts with parents,
and the challenges of love affairs-would do the most to achieve
"Anne's wish to work for mankind, to achieve something valuable
after her death, her horror against war and discrimination" (p.
128). In the process, as Doneson documents, specific features of
the diary were removed in order to "Americanize" the Frank
family, with the clear intent of making their lives more
universally appealing.
More recently, according to Ben Brantley's review of the
substantially revised stage version, depictions of Anne Frank
have devoted renewed attention to "Judaism, and the ways it is
perceived, as the Franks' central defining identity" (p. 151).
In a similar fashion, the essays by Alvin Rosenfeld, James
Young, and Denise de Costa suggest that better understanding of
the diary itself will support the claim that "a specifically
Jewish story" is ultimately more true to Anne Frank's own
feelings and to the experience of the Holocaust than are the
"vague, universalistic qualities that now surround her story"
(p. 209).
One important factor that made Anne Frank's experiences more
susceptible to "universalization" was the particularly "western"
orientation of the author. As they slowly and reluctantly
pulled themselves away from their attachment to German culture,
the Franks were increasingly oriented toward the language,
literature, and ideals of their "new" Dutch homeland and their
anticipated English liberators (the Frank family understood the
western front solely in terms of the British army, and paid
almost no attention to American forces).
Yet one of the consequences of making Anne Frank into the most
recognizable victim of the Holocaust is to distort the overall
contours of this historical process. As Rosenfield points out,
concentrating on events in Amsterdam draws attention away from
Eastern Europe, where ninety percent of the total Jewish deaths
in the Holocaust occurred.[3] While certain elements of the
Holocaust were the same-the laws requiring the wearing of the
Star of David, the forced relocation to ghettoes and camps, and
ultimately the deportations to death camps-the Jews of Eastern
Europe also had to deal with far more immediate threats,
including mass executions carried out by German soldiers, the
"raids" organized by Nazis and their sympathizers which often
resulted in brutal killings, and the betrayal of Jews by
citizens of occupied lands desperate for some relief from the
German forces. In this respect, the recollections of young
Polish children are far more revealing of the extreme horrors of
the Holocaust and need to be considered in combination with the
very different tone set by Anne Frank's diary.[4] Unfortunately,
none of the essays in this collection address the ways in which
American understanding of the Holocaust has been
"geographically" distorted by the dominant influence of this
particular account.
Beyond these discussions of "universalization," the authors
repeatedly ask whether the popularity of Anne Frank's diary
reflects a desire to find an "optimistic understanding" of the
Holocaust. The fact that the diary ends with the Frank family
still safe in hiding means that the reader is never confronted
with the death of any of the major figures. Rachel Feldhay
Brenner argues that the diary depicts the "anticipation of
Holocaust persecution" and "the inexorable awareness of the
Final Solution," but is "not a testimony of the Holocaust
atrocity" (p. 86). Making a similar point more broadly,
Rosenfeld argues that Anne Frank's diary makes it possible for
Americans to know just a little about the Holocaust, "yet keep
from confronting the Nazi horrors at their worst" (p. 209).
According to Lawrence Langer, part of the appeal of the diary,
and particularly the stage and film versions, is that "they
permit the imagination to cope with the idea of the Holocaust
without forcing a confrontation with its grim details. . . No
one dies, and the inhabitants of the annex endure minimal
suffering" (p. 200). Arguing that the popularity of the diary
is actually due to the way it shields the reader from the
reality of the Holocaust, Langer explicitly denies that this
diary, or the fate of any victims, can be read in an optimistic
or reaffirming manner, because the Holocaust contains "no final
solace, no redeeming truth, no hope that so many millions may
not have died in vain. They have" (p. 199). Most emphatically,
Langer states that "if Anne Frank could return from among the
murdered, she would be appalled at the misuse to which her
journal entries had been put" (p. 204).
Bruno Bettelheim takes an even more controversial position by
declaring emphatically that "[t]he Frank family's attitude that
life could be carried out as before may well have been what led
to their destruction" (p. 186). Responding more to the stage
and film versions than to the diary itself, Bettelheim
complained that the wrong lesson had been derived from Anne
Frank 's life and death. Instead of "eulogizing how they lived
in their hiding place," Bettelheim calls attention to what the
Franks failed to do: hide out separately and thus reduce the
chance of all being exposed, construct an escape route from the
secret annex, or prepare for self-defense so that "they could
have sold their lives for a high price, instead of walking into
their death" (pp. 186-187).
Charging that the deaths of the Frank family may have been due
to their own failure "to believe in Auschwitz," Bettelheim
concludes that any attempt to derive idealistic lessons from
Anne Frank's life denies the real implications of the Holocaust:
"If all men are good at heart, there never really was an
Auschwitz; nor is there any possibility that it may recur" (p.
189). While Bettelheim has been strongly criticized for
suggesting that any Jews were to blame for their own deaths, his
article nevertheless stands out in this collection for its
assertion that understanding the Holocaust requires asking about
the variety of responses to persecution, repression, and
extermination.
"I still believe, in spite of everything, that people are truly
good at heart."[5] This line, taken from Anne Frank's diary
entry for July 15, 1944, has become the focal point for debates
about the "meaning" of this young woman's legacy. This phrase
is used at the end of the play and film, where it serves, in the
words of Doneson, as "the affirmation of post-Holocaust
civilization" (p. 133). This use of the famous phrase is
strongly denounced by critics. Bettelheim declares emphatically
that "this statement is not justified by anything Anne actually
told her diary," and is particularly offensive given what we
know was the young girl's impending destruction (p. 188).
Warning that this sentence is "the least appropriate epitaph
conceivable" for the victims and survivors of the Holocaust,
Langer calls attention instead to Anne Frank's own "somber
vision," including her references to seeing Jews on Amsterdam
streets "join in the march of death" and her warning that
"There's in people simply an urge to destroy, an urge to kill,
to murder and rage. . ." (p. 201).
Yet this line about human goodness, when examined in context,
actually says a great deal about the complexity of Anne Frank's
life and legacy. The phrase comes in the middle of one of Anne
Frank's characteristically thoughtful evaluations of both the
small world of the secret annex and the "larger" world of the
war and the campaign against the Jews: "It's difficult in times
like these: ideals, dreams, and cherished hopes rise within us,
only to be crushed by grim reality. It's a wonder I haven't
abandoned all my ideals, they seem so absurd and impractical.
Yet I cling to them because I still believe, in spite of
everything, that people are truly good at heart. [para] It's
utterly impossible for me to build my life on a foundation of
chaos, suffering, and death. I see the world being slowly
transformed into a wilderness. I hear the approaching thunder
that, one day, will destroy us too, I feel the suffering of
millions. And yet, when I look up at the sky, I somehow feel
that everything will change for the better, that this cruelty
will return once more. In the meantime, I must hold onto my
ideals. Perhaps the day will come when I'll be able to realize
them."[6] From this perspective, we see how hard it was for Anne
Frank to preserve any sense of hope and how desperately she
wanted to escape the surrounding world of "chaos, suffering, and
death" as well as "the approaching thunder that, one day, will
destroy us all."
But the broader context of this entry also must be taken into
consideration when evaluating the meaning of Anne Frank's life
and legacy. In the paragraphs that precede this statement, Anne
Frank writes with great insight and also despair about how her
relations with her parents have changed and even deteriorated.
She writes, for example, about how she has "deliberately
alienated" herself from her father, to the point where, in her
words, "I can hardly bear to have him tutor me, and his
affection seems forced. I want to be left alone, and I'd rather
he ignored me for a while until I'm more sure of myself when I'm
talking to him. . . Oh, it's hard to be strong and brave in
every way."[7] In this context, therefore, when Anne Frank
writes about "a time when ideals are being shattered and
destroyed, when the worst side of human nature predominates,
when everyone has come to doubt truth, justice, and God," she
is, in a most remarkable way, talking about both the "universal"
experience of individual maturation and the historically
specific experience of Jewish victims of the Nazi Holocaust.
Interpretations of Anne Frank need to recognize the
extraordinary power of this combination, and seek to avoid
evading, diminishing, or denying either aspect.
Perhaps the grimmest irony involving the most famous line of
Anne Frank's diary is that her optimism was in fact justifiably
increasing. By mid July 1944, a year and a half after the
Soviet army began its counter-offensive against the German
forces and a month after the British, Canadian, and American
invasion at Normandy, the peoples of occupied Europe were
becoming increasingly hopeful for liberation. In her subsequent
entry, dated July 21, 1944, Anne Frank wrote in response to the
news of the attempted assassination of Hitler: "I'm finally
getting optimistic. Now, at last, things are going well! They
really are!" [8]. At the end of this entry, her next to last,
Anne Frank wrote: "the prospect of going back to school in
October is making me too happy to be logical!"[9] Two weeks
later, the Nazis came to arrest those hiding in the Annex. Most
tragically, when the Frank family was transported "to the east"
a month later, they were on the last train that left the
Westerbork concentration camp for the death camp at Auschwitz.
When Anne and her sister Margot died in the concentration camp
of Bergen-Belsen in early March 1945, it was just two weeks
before the camp was liberated by British troops. Eleven years
after fleeing from Nazi Germany and two years after going into
hiding, Anne Frank was killed less than two months before
Hitler's regime was completely destroyed by the advancing Allied
armies.
Anne Frank: Reflections on Her Life and Legacy would be very
appropriate for use in courses dealing with the Holocaust,
particularly in sections dealing with first-hand testimonies,
with literary, theater, or film depictions, and with efforts to
memorialize this event in subsequent decades. The background
information, variety of critical responses, and thoughtful
interpretations presented in these different essays are
essential for understanding the Holocaust itself and the broader
meanings of this event for the contemporary world. The
contributions are somewhat uneven in quality, due largely to the
differences in intended audiences, the context of their
publication, and the issues addressed by the authors, but the
essays are arranged and edited in ways that make them easily
accessible to anyone familiar with Anne Frank's diary and with
the broader issues of the Holocaust.
In the end, however, nothing that an observer, critic, or
scholar writes can match the direct power of Anne Frank's own
reflections. On December 24, 1943, for example, she made the
following entry in her diary: "Believe me, if you've been shut
up for a year and half, it can get to be too much for you
sometimes. But feelings can't be ignored, no matter how unjust
or ungrateful they seem. I long to ride a bike, dance, whistle,
look at the world, feel young and know that I am free, and yet I
can't let it show. Just imagine what would happen if all eight
of us were to feel sorry for ourselves or walk around with the
discontent clearly shown on our faces. Where would that get us?
I sometimes wonder if anyone will ever understand what I mean,
if anyone will ever overlook my ingratitude and not worry about
whether or not I'm Jewish and merely see me as a teenager badly
in need of some good plain fun. I don't know, and I wouldn't be
able to talk about it with anyone, since I'm sure I'd start to
cry. Crying can bring relief, as long as you don't cry alone."
[10] The tragedy for Anne Frank, as for millions of her fellow
victims, was the way the killing machines of the Holocaust took
away these desires to "feel young and know that I'm free," to
have "some good plain fun," and simply to be understood on their
own terms.
Notes
[1]. Anne Frank, The Diary of a Young Girl. The Definitive
Edition edited by Otto H. Frank and Mirjam Pressler, translated
by Susan Massoty (New York: Bantam Books, 1997) p. 143.
[2]. Ibid., pp. 313-314. Recent studies of gender and the
Holocaust include Different Voices. Women and the Holocaust
edited by Carol Rittner and John K. Roth (New York: Paragon
House, 1993); Women in the Holocaust edited by Dalia Ofer and
Lenore J. Weitzman (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998).
[3]. This estimate is based on figures in Lucy S. Dawidowicz,
The War Against the Jews 1933-1945 (New York: Bantam Books,
1975) p. 544.
[4]. See, for example, The Last Eyewitnesses. Children of the
Holocaust Speak edited by Wiktoria Sliwowska, (Evanston:
Northwestern University Press, 1998); Alicia Appleman-Jurman,
Alicia. My Story (New York: Bantam, 1988).
[5]. Frank, Diary of a Young Girl, p. 327.
[6]. Ibid., p. 327.
[7]. Ibid., p. 325.
[8]. Ibid., p. 327.
[9]. Ibid., p. 329.
[10]. Ibid., p. 152.
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