H-NET BOOK REVIEW
Published by H-Women@h-net.msu.edu (July, 2000)
Margaret Smith Cracco and O.L. Davis, eds. "Bending the Future
to their Will": Civic Women, Social Education, and Democracy.
Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 1999. 304 pp.
Bibliographic references and index. $55.00 (cloth), ISBN
0-8476-911-X; $24.95 (paper), ISBN 0-8476-9112-8.
Reviewed for H-Women by Susan Stein-Roggenbuck
roggenb6@msu.edu, Department of American Thought & Language, Michigan
State University
The Gendering of Social Education
Teaching has been a profession considered "acceptable" for women
since the mid-nineteenth century and women eventually dominated
certain areas of the field. But as with many feminized
professions, women faced limitations in administrative
opportunities and also in higher education. Most school
administrators were men, and female teachers rarely rose to the
rank of principal or superintendent. Women were often segregated
in "female" fields such as home economics at the post-secondary
level, or sought opportunities in women's colleges. This
gendered hierarchy, which was also divided by race, ethnicity,
and class, explains in part why thirteen women educators, from
the late nineteenth to the late twentieth centuries, are not
found in the history of social education or social studies
education. The collection, "Bending the Future to their Will":
Civic Women, Social Education, and Democracy, edited by
Margaret Smith Crocco and O.L. Davis, seeks not only to
chronicle the careers and professional contributions of these
women through "collective biography," but "to make a claim for
their status as educational theorists".[1
The collection's content intersects with several fields,
including education history, political history, women's history,
and women's studies, arguing that these women, using alternative
methods and ideas, created a "distinctive tradition of social
education."[2]
The editors use the term "social education" to distinguish it,
and the work of these women, from social studies. Margaret
Crocco, in the introduction, points out that social studies
denotes a more narrow definition centered largely on K-12
education. Social education, in contrast, connotes education
about democracy and citizenship that takes place in a variety of
settings, which is a key part of the gendered nature of this
field. Many of the women in the collection developed their
ideas and theories about education in non-school settings,
including women's organizations or settlement houses, or through
their personal social and political activism. Most eventually
taught at the college or university level, and many challenged
mainstream methods, practices and ideals.
Some of these women, including Jane Addams, Lucy Sprague
Mitchell and Mary Ritter Beard, will be familiar to historians,
while others are not. Those profiled in the collection include
historian Lucy Maynard Salmon, Bessie Louise Pierce, Rachel
Davis DuBois, Hilda Taba, Alice Miel and Hazel Whitman
Hertzberg. Each chapter concludes with a sample of the woman's
writings, allowing the reader to see primary source material.
The majority of the authors come from the field of education,
rather than history, and thus the focus is on the women as
educators rather than their place in the broader history of
women and gender.
Organized chronologically, the collection includes primarily
white women. Marion Thompson Wright, who is analyzed with Beard
in a piece by Crocco, is the only African American woman, and
Hilda Taba, a native of Estonia, is the only immigrant. The
white, East Coast slant of the collection (many were affiliated
at some time with the Teachers College at Columbia University)
is acknowledged in the introduction, but an analysis of the
education ideas about citizenship and democracy of a broader
group would provide a more complete picture of the effects of
race and ethnicity on those ideals, and how those ideas and
practices changed throughout the century under study.
A common thread running through many of the chapters is how
these women's methods and theories of education contributed to
the larger field of social education. Mary Sheldon Barnes,
influenced by scholars such as Leopold Ranke, developed the
"source method" of teaching, and was among the first, according
to author Frances Monteverde, to apply the method to secondary
education. She rejected the "learning by rote" and memorization
common in late nineteenth- century education and instead taught
her students to think, reason, and analyze, arguing that such
learning made them better citizens in a participatory
government. In contrast, Lucy Maynard Salmon, professor of
history at Vassar College, preferred the "balanced approach" to
education, combining the teaching of sources, using scientific
methods such as those advocated by Barnes, with more traditional
narratives. Salmon, however, expanded the definition of what
was considered history, studying the world of domestic workers
and foreshadowing the rise in social history and women's history
much later in the twentieth century.
Lucy Sprague Mitchell brought the concept of service learning,
or experiential learning, to her students, first with her
pre-school students and later in her teaching of early childhood
educators. At first a teacher of high school students, Rachel
Davis DuBois taught her vision of intercultural education
through her assembly series. Her programs focused on racial
equality and peace, seeking to build understanding of the
different races in America, as well as other nations. Her
efforts prompted the district's school board to ask for her
resignation in 1926 at the request of the local American Legion
post, but she refused. Known as the Woodbury Plan (named for
the school and not for the woman teacher who pioneered the
programs), the programs were among the early efforts at
intercultural education. Hilda Taba also fostered intercultural
education through her work on the Intergroup Education in
Cooperating Schools in the 1940s. She advocated planning for
coherent programs, arguing that many earlier efforts (including
those of DuBois) were piecemeal and of limited and unproven
effectiveness. She broadened the scope beyond race to include
religion and class (but not gender).
Another theme running through several of the chapters is the
link between the women's ideas and their activism. For some of
these women, participation in movements such as peace, suffrage
and civil rights fueled their education theories. Jane Addams,
also familiar to women's historians, is profiled in this
collection as an education theorist, rather than a social
worker. Petra Munro provides an interesting analysis of Addams's
ideas about democracy and education, and her efforts to expand
opportunities in each to both immigrants and women. She argued
that citizenship was a collective act, and not an individual one
centered on the vote. Her work at Hull House demonstrated, Munro
argues, Addams's view that a "community network, and not
individual rights, were the foundation of democracy"(86).
Suffrage, an issue addressed by Addams, also was a key part of
the activism of Beard and Salmon. Salmon pursued her suffrage
cause through the National American Woman Suffrage Association
despite efforts by Vassar's administration to prevent any such
activism from touching the college campus. Salmon also sought to
increase the participation of women in the American Historical
Association, and constantly advocated the appointment of women
to committees and their recognition as scholars and teachers.
Beard sought to use women's history to empower women with
knowledge, and to redefine the male values used to define
American society. She also rejected the idea of woman as victim.
Hazel Whitman Hertzberg, born in 1918, had a lengthy career as a
social activist in labor, pacifist and socialist organizations
and causes before embarking on her career in education at the
age of forty. Rachel DuBois left her teaching position in 1920
to devote herself to volunteering to see firsthand the problems
in her community. Marion Thompson Wright used her scholarship
on black education to draw attention to civil rights issues.
One question raised by these pieces is how they fit into the
larger history of women and professionalization. Many of these
women were in a field relatively acceptable for women
(education) but at a level (college and university) that was
much more male dominated. What kind of culture did they face?
How did that affect their strategies? What changed over the
century? Did a part of the lack of recognition of the work of
Mitchell stem from the fact that she focused on early childhood
education? DuBois earned her college degree in science, but
turned to teaching because of the lack of opportunities for
women in science in the early twentieth century. One is reminded
of the work of Margaret Rossiter in Women Scientists in
America: Struggles and Strategies to 1940. Rossiter argues
that many women entered specific fields, including home
economics education, because it offered fewer challenges to
their participation. Did these women face similar choices? Do
ideas about gendered professional values, or a gendered track of
professionalization, factor into these stories?
The collection provides an important "correction" to the history
of education theory, documenting the lives of women who clearly
contributed to the field's development. The authors use a
variety of primary sources, including personal papers and the
published writings of the women, and the analysis of their ideas
is generally quite good. Some are clearly among the first to
document these women's lives, while some chapters, such as the
one on Jane Addams, provide a different perspective on their
work. The gender analysis in the pieces is somewhat uneven, and
in many cases could be pushed much further than the authors do.
Clearly a chapter-length work cannot encompass all aspects of
these women's lives, but there are points where more could be
done. Andrea Makler provides a helpful synthesis in the
conclusion, analyzing the thirteen women and the context of
social education and citizenship. (Some readers might find it
helpful to read the conclusion before the rest of the chapters.)
Many of these women had a pluralistic vision of American
education and citizenship (although most were still a product of
their times) and yet failed to see their own position as women
as an issue to be addressed. Some of these women identified the
limits placed on their sex and actively sought to change those;
others did not. Why? What aspects of their personal and
professional lives affected their choices? Some affiliated with
professional societies and others chose not to. Some authors
analyze how these decisions (or exclusions) affected these
women's lives, while others do not.
Makler notes in her conclusion that "one thing we learn from the
life histories of the sample of women included here is that
women's roles over the last 150 years are not yet well enough
understood to give a fully nuanced picture of how U.S. society
worked across so many social levels" (256). While there is
certainly much to learn, more information is available than is
found in this collection. Historians of women will find that
many of the pieces are not grounded in the wealth of scholarship
available on women's position, both personally and
professionally, in American society. The collection spans a
century in American history, and while some pieces are grounded
in the larger context of American history (such as World War II
and the Cold War's effect on intergroup or intercultural
education), many are not fully analyzed in the context of
women's history.
The piece on Marion Wright is one example. The problem stems in
part from the inclusion of both Beard and Wright in one chapter;
there is less space to assess the women's lives. A significant
part of the piece is also devoted to Merle Curti's influence on
the two women's ideas. Wright's life offers a profound glimpse
into the life of a professional black woman in the first half of
the twentieth century, a period of "racial uplift" effort. She
was married with two children when she applied to Howard
University to pursue her undergraduate education, but had to
hide her personal life because of prohibitions on married women
attending the school. She later divorced, but again had to
conceal that fact and her two children when she returned to the
school as a faculty member in 1940: "She continued to keep her
family a secret to most members of the Howard community until
her death" (108). Wright committed suicide in 1962. Crocco
writes that friends "concluded that she had finally succumbed to
the depression that had plagued her since her young adult
years"(113). Readers are left wanting more information and
analysis about Wright's challenges and life, in the context of
African-American women's history.
The collection's introduction and conclusion provide an able
framework for the twelve chapters. Like any good anthology,
Bending the Future to Their Will raises further questions and
areas of research. Students of education theory and women in
education will find this collection useful, and it would be
excellent reading for undergraduates aspiring to be social
studies teachers. (Makler offers an alternate approach to
social studies education in her conclusion.) Their vision of
what we now call multicultural education and the teaching of
citizenship resonates with contemporary debates. The inclusion
of primary writings in each chapter also enhances its appeal in
the classroom. The collection is a reminder of the importance
of incorporating the history of citizenship and democracy
(profoundly gendered, as well as racialized, etc) in college
history courses. Education majors comprise a large portion of
the students in history courses at my institution, and
historians can aid them in the effort to be more inclusive in
their high school teaching by offering a comprehensive analysis
of those issues in their history courses.
Notes
[1]. See Stephanie J. Shaw, What a Woman Ought to Be and to Do:
Black Professional Women Workers During the Jim Crow Era
(Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1996);
Darlene Clark Hine, Black Women in White: Racial Conflict and
Cooperation in the Nursing Profession, 1890-1950(Bloomington
and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1989).
[2]. Many historians of women have identified the gendered
nature of the professions, both in training, values, and
practice. Robin Muncy, Creating a Female Dominion in American
Reform (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991)
xiii-xiv, 8-10, 68-70; Joan Jacobs Brumberg and Nancy Tomes,
"Women in the Professions: A Research Agenda for American
Historians," Reviews in American History 10 (June 1982) 283;
Linda Gordon, Pitied But Not Entitled: Single Mothers and the
History of Welfare (New York: The Free Press, 1994) 72;
Elizabeth Lunbeck, The Psychiatric Persuasion: Knowledge,
Gender and Power in Modern America (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1994) 37-38. Margaret Rossiter analyzes the
experiences of women entering both male- and female-dominated
professions, as well as the strategies they employed. See
Margaret W. Rossiter, Women Scientists in America: Struggles
and Strategies to 1940 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University
Press, 1982) 55-65.
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