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               The Economic Status of Black Women:
                  An Exploratory Investigation

Staff Report
United States Commission on Civil Rights
October 1990


                            Part III 
     Employment, Unemployment, and the Economic Status of Black Women 


Chapter 8 
The Economic Status of Black Women: Overview

This chapter compares black women's economic status with that of
white women and shows the relationship between employment and
economic status for black women. For this purpose the primary
source is the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP)
which contains monthly data on persons' employment, marital status,
family income, and many other characteristics over a 32-month
period beginning in October 1984. To obtain information on
husband's income, married women were matched with their husbands.
In addition to this monthly data, the SIPP also provides rich data
on household assets at one point in time and retrospective
information on education and work experience.

Overview

To provide an overview of racial differences in economic status
among women, this section contrasts various measures of economic
status for black and white women both as a group and separated by
marital status.

Table 8.1 compares the family income of black and white women. A
woman's family income includes her own labor market earnings, the
labor market earnings of her husband (if she is married), the labor
market earnings of other family members, and the unearned income
(such as interest on bank accounts, rent on investment properties
etc.) of all family members. Overall, the average family income of
black women is roughly three-fifths that of white women. Married
black women fare relatively better than un- married black women:
their average family income is almost three-quarters as much as
that of married white women, whereas unmarried black women's
average family income is less than two-thirds that of unmarried
white women.(1) Black women are 3 times more likely to have family
incomes of less than $10,000 and 7 times less likely to have family
incomes over $60,000. These disparities are partially due to racial
differences in marital status, but the same general pattern holds
within marital status groups: black women are overrepresented among
women with low family incomes and underrepresented among women with
high family incomes.

Table 8.2 compares the annual earnings of black and white women.
Both working and nonworking women are included in table 8.2. On
average, black women earn somewhat less than white women, and white
women are considerably more likely than black women to earn more
than $20,000 a year. Overall, however, the earnings distributions
of black and white women are much more similar than their family
income distributions.

When black and white women are compared within marital status
groups, a slightly different pattern emerges. Overall, when earners
and nonearners are considered together, married black women earn 12
percent more than married white women, but unmarried black women
earn substantially less than their white counterparts: roughly
two-thirds as much. Married white women are slightly more likely
than married black women to earn less than $5,000 a year, primarily
because fewer married white women work. On the other hand, married
white women are also more likely than their black counterparts to
earn more than $20,000 a year.

Among unmarried women, blacks are much more likely to earn under
$10,000 a year, and whites are much more likely to earn over
$20,000 a year. A particularly striking racial difference is that
approximately one-quarter of unmarried black women have no annual
earnings (i.e., they do not work), compared with 14 percent of
unmarried white women.

On average, black women's earnings constitute approximately
one-third of their family income, whereas white women's earnings
constitute roughly one-quarter of their family income. Married
black women contribute a substantially higher percentage of their
family income than married white women, but unmarried black women
actually contribute a smaller percentage than unmarried white
women.

Table 8.3 compares the family wealth of black and white women by
marital status. Overall, black women's families have considerably
less wealth than white women's families. For instance, 62 percent
of white women's families own their own homes, compared with 43
percent of black women's families. The average equity in homes is
also less for black women's families if they own a home: $33,000,
compared with $52,000 for white families. Just over one-half of
black women's families have any savings other than in their homes,
business, or vehicles, compared with almost four-fifths of white
women's families. The median net worth (wealth minus debts) of
black women's families is less than one-fifth that of white women's
families.

Within marital status groups, black women's families are also less
wealthy than white women's families. However, married black women
fare relatively better than unmarried black women. For instance,
the median net worth for married black women's families is almost
30 percent that of married white women's families. whereas the
comparable figure for unmarried black women is just over 15
percent.

Besides family income and earnings, other indicators of a group's
economic status include their unemployment, poverty, and welfare
rates. Table 8.4 shows that, overall, black women are slightly more
likely than white women to be in the labor force at a given point
in time, but because they experience unemployment at twice the rate
of white women, they are less likely than white women to be
employed. Married black women are more likely to be in the labor
force and, despite higher unemployment rates, more likely to be
employed than married white women. Unmarried black women, on the
other hand, are less likely to be in the labor force and less
likely to be employed than their white counterparts. They also have
a much higher unemployment rate. Over one-quarter of black women
had mean family income below the poverty cutoff for their family
type, and more than one-fifth of black women were on welfare (Aid
to Families with Dependent Children or general assistance) at some
point during the 32-month period covered by SIPP. For both races,
unmarried women are more likely to be in poverty and on welfare
than married women, but poverty and welfare rates are three times
higher for black women regardless of marital status.

The above results indicate that black women have considerably lower
economic status than white women. In particular. their family
income and wealth are much lower, and they have much higher
unemployment, welfare, and poverty rates than white women. Although
the earnings distributions of black and white women are similar
overall, married black women earn more than married white
women--primarily because many married white women do not work; and
unmarried black women earn less than unmarried white women. The
earnings of black women make up a much larger fraction of their
family income than do those of white women, especially among
married women.

Employment and the Economic Status of Black and White Women

These results suggest that work may be crucial to elevating black
women's economic status. This section compares the economic status
of black and white women by employment status (whether or not they
are employed).

Table 8.5 compares the family income of employed and unemployed
women for each race and marital status. Generally, employed women
of both races have higher family incomes than women who are not
employed. However, being employed increases black women's family
incomes more than white women's family incomes, both overall and
within marital status groups. As a result, the family incomes of
employed black women are two-thirds as high as the family incomes
of employed white women, whereas the average family income of black
women who are not employed are barely half that of white women who
are not employed. Employed black women also have higher family
incomes relative to their white counterparts within marital status
groups than do black women who are not employed.

Table 8.6 compares the earnings of black and white women who are
employed. Thus table 8.6 is similar to table 8.2 except that table
8.6 includes only working women in the sample. Overall, employed
black women earn 90 percent as much as employed white women and
contribute a larger fraction of family income (over one-half).
Among married employed women, blacks earn more than whites and
contribute a much larger percentage of family income. Among
unmarried employed women, however, blacks earn less than whites and
contribute roughly the same percentage of family income.

Table 8.7 compares the family wealth of black and white women by
employment status. Black women who work have higher family wealth
than those who do not. For white women, on the other hand, the
relationship between work status and family wealth is the reverse.
For instance, a considerably higher percentage of working than of
non-working black women own their own homes (46 compared with 39
percent), whereas for white women roughly the same percentage own
their own homes whether or not they work. Similarly, the median
family net worth is higher for working than for nonworking black
women ($9,236, compared with $7,134). Among white women, on the
other hand, it is those who are not working who have the higher
family net worth. These results also hold within marital status
groups: black women who work have greater family wealth than those
who do not.

Table 8.8 shows that, both across and within marital status groups,
working black women are also much less likely to be in poverty or
to receive welfare (Aid for Dependent Children or general
assistance) than their counterparts who are not working.

This discussion highlights the importance of working for black
women. Much more than for white women, the economic well-being of
black women and their families depends on whether or not they work.
Working black women have higher family incomes than those who are
not working. Black women's earnings constitute a substantial
proportion of their family income. As a consequence, it is
important to understand the factors that affect black women's
chances of working. A preliminary investigation of factors
affecting black women's decision to participate in the labor force
and ability to find work is undertaken in the next chapter. In
particular, the chapter considers whether racial discrimination in
the labor market directly or indirectly reduces black women's
chances of working.


ENDNOTES

(1) Black women have higher average family income relative to white
women when marital status is controlled for than when t is not,
because unmarried women generally have lower family incomes than
married women and more black women are unmarried.

(2) Since employed black and white women work roughly the same
number of hours, this result is consistent with the result in
chapter 7 that the black-white hourly wage ratio is roughly 90
percent.


Chapter 9
Employment and Unemployment Patterns of Black Women

This chapter seeks to determine whether differences in the work
status of black and white women--the higher labor force
participation rates of married black women, the lower labor force
participation rates of unmarried black women, and the generally
higher unemployment rate of black women--can be accounted for by
such factors as age, education, husband's earnings, and the number
of young children at home. The data source used is the March 1988
Current Population Survey, which provides up-to-date information on
the labor force status of black and white women and has sufficient
sample size to undertake an analysis that considers the combined
effect of marital status, age, education, husband's earnings, and
children on women's work status.

Racial Differences in Employment and Unemployment Patterns

Black and white women have very different labor force
participation, employment, and unemployment rates, as shown in
table 9.1. Overall, black women's labor force participation rate is
very close to white women's: 68 percent compared with 69 percent.
Black women experience a much higher unemployment rate, however (11
percent versus 4 percent). As a result, the proportion of women who
are actually working is less for blacks than for whites: 60 percent
compared with 66 percent. Among employed black women, however, the
proportion working full time is higher than for their white
counterparts. Overall, three-quarters of employed black women work
full time, compared with two-thirds of employed white women.

The similarity of the labor force participation rates of black and
white women overall disappears when women are compared within
marital status groups (see table 9.1). Married black women have
much higher labor force participation rates than their white
counterparts (73 percent versus 64 percent). Unmarried black women,
on the other hand, have much lower labor force participation rates
than their white counterparts (56 percent versus 73 percent).
Moreover, among whites, married women are less likely than
unmarried women to participate in the labor force, but among
blacks, the reverse is true.

Although they have higher unemployment rates than their white
counterparts, married black women are more likely to be employed
than married white women. Unmarried black women have extremely high
unemployment rates (14 percent) and are much less likely to work
than their white counterparts. Whereas roughly three-quarters of
unmarried white women work, just over one-half of unmarried black
women work.

Among married women, working black women are much more likely to
work full time than their white counterparts. Among un- married
women, the black and white proportions working full time are almost
identical, however.

Black and white women also have very different employment and
unemployment patterns by age. Up until age 50, black women's labor
force participation and employment rates increase sharply with age,
compared with a much more gradual increase for white women. Both
groups exhibit similar drops in labor force participation and
employment rates after age 50.

Differences are greatest for black and white women under the age of
24. Young black women have a much lower labor force participation
rate (59 percent versus 72 percent) and a much higher unemployment
rate (24 percent versus 7 percent) than young white women. Young
black women's lower labor force participation rate combined with
their higher unemployment rate means that only 44 percent of black
women 24 years old and younger work, compared with 66 percent of
white women.

Like their labor force participation and employment rates, black
women's overall proportion working full time increases much more
with age than white women's. The same is true for married women.
Among working women who are not married, however, the proportions
of blacks and whites working full time are almost identical at
every age.

In sum, young and unmarried black women are much less likely to
work than their white counterparts. Married black women are much
more likely to work than married white women. Black women of all
ages and all marital statuses, especially young and unmarried black
women, experience higher unemployment rates than white women.

Accounting for Racial Differences in Employment and Unemployment
Patterns

This section seeks to determine whether the racial differences in
employment and unemployment patterns documented above can be
accounted for by differences in background characteristics, such as
education, husband's earnings, or number of young children.
Separate analyses are undertaken for married and unmarried women.

Married Women

Table 9.2 shows that married black and white women differ in
several ways that could affect their relative labor force
participation and unemployment rates. Married black women are on
average slightly younger than their white counterparts. A larger
proportion of black wives than of white wives are between the ages
of 25 and 50, the ages for which women's labor force participation
rates are the highest. Thus, differences ln the age distributions
of black and white women might contribute to black wives' higher
labor force participation rates.

Black wives have about half a year less education on average than
their white counterparts. They are considerably more likely not to
have graduated from high school and somewhat less likely to have
graduated from college. Since women's labor force participation
rates generally increase with their education, the educational
differences between married black and white women cannot account
for black wives' higher labor force participation rate. On the
other hand, they might contribute to black wives' higher un-
employment rate, since less-educated women generally have higher
unemployment rates.

Black women's husbands earn an average of $18,013 per year, much
less than white women's husbands, who earn $26,417 on average.
Forty-five percent of black wives have husbands earning less than
$15,000 per year, compared with 29 percent of white wives. Fewer
than 8 percent of black wives have husbands earning over $40,000
per year, compared with over 20 percent of white wives. The lower
average husband's earnings for black women might contribute to
their higher labor force participation rate, since, other things
being equal, women's labor force participation rates decline as
their husbands' earnings increase.

Married black women have more children on average and are more
likely to have at least one child than their white counterparts.
Since women with more children are generally less likely to
participate ln the labor force, black women's greater number of
children is unlikely to account for their higher labor force
participation rate. However, black wives are more likely only to
have children who are school age or older, ages at which children
deter women's working less.

None of these factors can by itself explain differences in married
black and white women's employment and unemployment patterns. Table
9.3 shows that married black women have higher labor force
participation rates and are more likely to work full time than
their white counterparts even when they are grouped by age,
education, husband's earnings, or age of their youngest child.
Similarly, they also have higher unemployment rates within age,
education, husband's earnings, or age of youngest child categories.

Several important differences ln the labor force participation
patterns of black and white married women should be noted. First,
black wives' labor force participation rate is much less sensitive
to their husbands' earnings levels than white wives'. Where white
wives' labor force participation rate falls steadily as their
husbands' earnings rise above $25,000 a year. black wives' rate
continues to increase until their husbands' earnings reach $40,000
a year and declines only slightly at income levels above $40,000.

Second, in contrast to white wives, who are less likely to be in
the labor force if they have children under 3 than if they have no
children, black wives are more likely to be in the labor force if
they have very young children than if they have none at all. Black
wives with very young children have a very high unemployment rate,
however, so they are equally likely to be employed as black wives
without children. Also, white wives' labor force participation
rates rise continuously as the age of the youngest child increases,
but black wives' do not.

To determine whether racial differences in employment and
unemployment patterns among married women result from differences
in all these characteristics taken together, table 9.4 presents
hypothetical labor force participation rates, employment rates,
unemployment rates, and percentages working full time for married
black and white women assuming that each group had the other
group's distribution across the age, education, husband's earnings,
and age of youngest child categories shown in table 9.3. For
comparison, the actual figures for each group are also shown.

The differences between black and white women's employment and
unemployment patterns do not narrow when differences in
characteristics are taken into account. The hypothetical and the
actual figures are extremely close for both black and white women.
In fact, the hypothetical labor force participation and employment
rates for married black women are higher than their actual rates.
These results indicate that differences in characteristics cannot
account for the racial differences in employment and unemployment
patterns among married women.

Unmarried Women

The background characteristics of unmarried women are shown in
table 9. 5. The table distinguishes never-married women and women
who are married spouse absent. separated, divorced, or widowed,
termed "previously married."

Black women who have never been married are a year and a half older
on average than their white counterparts. Previously married black
and white women are roughly the same average age. Where married
black women have half a year less education than their white
counterparts, the education gap between unmarried black and white
women is over 1 year.

Unmarried black women are considerably more likely to have children
than their white counterparts. Forty-four percent of black women
who have never been married have at least one child under 18,
compared with 6 percent of white women. Never-married black women
are over five times as likely to have a child under the age of 3.
Similar, but less pronounced, differences exist between previously
married black and white women.

The lower educational levels and greater frequency of children for
unmarried black women could contribute to both their lower labor
force participation rates and their higher unemployment rates. To
see whether they do, tables 9.6 and 9.7 compare the labor force
participation rates, employment rates, and unemployment rates of
never-married (table 9.6) and previously married (table 9.7) black
and white women by age, education, and age of youngest child.

Like for married women, racial differences in background
characteristics cannot individually account for black-white
differences in labor force status. Black women generally continue
to have lower labor force participation rates and higher
unemployment rates than their white counterparts even when grouped
according to separate characteristics.

Highly educated unmarried women are an exception to this
generalization: the racial gap in labor force participation and
unemployment rates is quite small among highly educated unmarried
women. Among the highly educated, unmarried black and white women
have almost identical labor force participation rates. Although
unmarried black women's unemployment rates are higher at all
educational levels (considerably higher at low educational levels),
the racial employment gap among highly educated unmarried women is
not large. It should be noted, however, that the highly educated
make up only 9 percent of unmarried black women.

As was done for married women in table 9.4, table 9.8 presents
hypothetical labor force participation rates, employment rates,
unemployment rates, and percentages working full time for unmarried
black and white women assuming that each group had the other
group's distribution across age, education, and age of youngest
child categories. Table 9.8 also assumes that each group had the
other group's distribution across the two marital status
categories, never-married and previously married. For comparison,
the actual figures for each group are also shown.

Unlike for married women, for unmarried women racial differences in
characteristics appear to account for a large part of the
black-white differences in employment and unemployment patterns. If
unmarried black women had white women's distributions across age,
education, age of youngest child and marital status categories,
their labor force participation rate would be 73 percent as opposed
to their actual rate of 65 percent, or 8 percentage points higher.
Thus, almost three-quarters of the 12.5-percentage-point gap in the
labor force participation rates of unmarried black and white women
can be accounted for by differences in their characteristics. Less
of the gap in unmarried women's unemployment rates is accounted
for.(1)

Conclusion

This chapter has considered whether differences in the employment
and unemployment patterns of black and white women can be accounted
for by differences in their background characteristics. Taking
racial differences in characteristics into account does not narrow
the racial gap in labor force participation rates, unemployment
rates, employment rates, and the proportion working full time for
married women. For unmarried women, taking racial differences in
characteristics into account narrows the gap ln labor force
participation rates substantially but has only a slight effect on
the unemployment gap.

Thus, it appears that, especially for married women, black and
white women's decisions about whether to work and how much to work
follow different patterns that cannot be explained by simple
differences in background characteristics. Similarly, black women's
considerably higher unemployment rates cannot be explained by their
characteristics.
        
The only exception to this general pattern of racial differences in
work status is highly educated single women. Among these women,
blacks and whites have indistinguishable labor force participation
rates. Highly educated black women do have slightly higher
unemployment rates, however.

This chapter highlights three major racial differences ln work
patterns. First, regardless of age, educational level, husband's
earnings, or age of youngest child, married black women are much
more likely to work and to work full time than married white women.
Unlike white mothers, black mothers of very young children are
actually more likely to participate in the labor force than black
wives with no children.

Second, unmarried black women, particularly those who have never
married, are much less likely to participate in the labor force
than their white counterparts. On the other hand, if they do work,
they are equally likely to work full time. Black-white differences
in the educational levels, marital statuses (never- married versus
previously married) and age (and existence) of youngest child do
account for a large portion of the difference in labor force
participation rates. Even when racial differences in
characteristics are taken into account, however, unmarried black
women are less likely to participate in the labor force than their
white counterparts.

Third, black women experience much higher unemployment rates than
white women with comparable characteristics. Young black women and
black women who have not graduated from high school, particularly
unmarried mothers, have extremely high unemployment rates compared
to their white counterparts. Over one-third of never-married black
mothers of children under 2 who are in the labor force are
unemployed, compared with just under 20 percent of comparable white
women. In general, black-white differences in characteristics do
not account for black women's higher unemployment rates. For
unmarried women, however, the higher proportion of black women with
children does account for part of the gap in unemployment rates.

Given chapter 10's finding that working leads to significant
improvements in black women's economic status, the lower labor
force participation rates of unmarried black women and the higher
unemployment rates of all black women are cause for concern. From
the perspective of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, the
across-the-board higher unemployment rates of black women are
especially disturbing. since they could be caused by discriminatory
hiring practices. It should be noted that the lower labor force
participation rates of unmarried black women could themselves be
the indirect result of labor market discrimination. For instance,
their greater difficulty in finding,jobs might cause unmarried
black women to become "discouraged workers" and drop out of the
labor force.

Unfortunately, the research reported in this chapter is
insufficient to pinpoint the underlying causes of racial
differences in work patterns. That simple differences in background
characteristics cannot explain married black women's higher labor
force participation rates and can only partially explain unmarried
black women's lower labor force participation rates suggests that
the economic circumstances of black and white women with similar
background characteristics may be somewhat different. Although the
failure of racial differences in background characteristics to
account for black-white differences in unemployment rates is
suggestive, it does not allow the determination of whether black
women's higher unemployment rates are the result of discriminatory
hiring practices or of some other cause.

Other researchers have not resolved these issues either. For
instance, economists have paid much attention to the greater labor
force participation rates of married black women in comparison to
their white counterparts.(2) Despite their interest, the reasons
why black wives work more than white wives are poorly understood.
Some have suggested that one reason for black wives' high labor
force participation rates may be the greater variability of their
husbands' earnings.(3) Black wives may participate in the labor
force to cushion their families when their husbands' earnings take
unexpected dips. Alternatively, extreme economic necessity may have
impelled black wives to work in the past and this may have led to
a culture of work among black wives.(4)

The lower labor force participation rates of young and unmarried
black women are not the comparatively recent phenomena assumed by
many. The historical analysis in chapter 2 shows that young and
unmarried black women had lower labor force participation rates
than their white counterparts as early as 1950.(5) Despite this
long-standing trend, the question of why young and unmarried black
women choose not to work has not been addressed adequately in the
social science literature. The most common hypothesized
explanation, the ease of obtaining welfare, seems at odds with the
finding here that young and unmarried black women had lower labor
force participation rates than their white counterparts long before
most welfare programs were instituted. The possibility that labor
market discrimination causes young and unmarried black women to
become discouraged and drop out of the work force remains.

Finally, the social science literature's treatment of black women's
higher unemployment rates has been extremely limited. Black women's
unemployment rates have most often been discussed secondarily to
black men's, and the discussions are almost completely confined to
descriptive analyses. Little research has been undertaken into the
reasons for black women's high unemployment rates. One exception is
Ehrenberg, who suggests that black women's higher unemployment
rates may stem from their frequent transitions into and out of the
work force.(6) If persons reentering the work force after a period
of absence experience particularly high unemployment rates, and
black women reenter the work force frequently, then this could
contribute to their higher unemployment rate.

There are other possible explanations for black women's high
unemployment rates. Black women may be less likely than white women
to become discouraged and drop out of the labor force when they
experience unemployment. To the extent that their finding a job is
crucial to their family's economic survival, black women may be
more persistent in continuing to look for a job when they face
employment difficulties. To the extent that their earnings are less
essential for their family's economic survival, white women may
give up looking sooner than black women. Consequently, even if
black and white women experienced the same unemployment
difficulties, black women might be more likely to report themselves
as "unemployed," whereas white women might be more likely to report
themselves as "out of the labor force."

An alternative explanation is that black women do in fact
experience greater difficulty in finding jobs, but for reasons not
directly related to current labor market discrimination. They may
be less skilled in ways that are not measured in the Current
Population Survey. Residential segregation may mean that they may
live further away from employment opportunities. If so, it may be
both more difficult for them to find jobs and, because they have
higher transportation costs, less likely for them to accept jobs
they are offered. Similarly, black women may find working more
costly in other ways--for instance, they may find that quality day
care is more expensive in their neighborhoods--and as a result keep
looking longer for better paying jobs. Similar factors may play a
role in causing young and unmarried black women's lower labor force
participation rates.

To understand the reasons underlying the racial differences in work
patterns highlighted in this chapter, further social science
research investigating these issues in depth should be undertaken.

ENDNOTES

(1) Hypothetical employment and unemployment patterns giving each
group the other group's value for each ofthe characteristics
separately were also performed for unmarried women. Racial
differences ine ducation, children and marital status each appear
to account for an equal share of the black-white differences in the
presence and number of children for unmarried women are the only
characteristic that can even partially account for unmarried black
women's higher unemployment rates.

(2) Glen. G. Cain, Married Women in the Labor Force: An Economic
Analysis (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1966); William G. Bowen
and T. Aldrich Finegan, The Economics of Labor Force PArticipation
(Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 1969), pp. 88-269; D.
Bell, "Why Participation Rates of Black Wives Differ," Journal of
Human Resources, vol. 9 (1974), pp. 465-79; Claudia Goldin, "Female
Labor Force Participation: The Origins of Black and White
Differences, 1870 and 1880," Journal of Economic History, vol. 37
(1977), pp. 87-112; and Phyllis A. Wallace, ed., Black Women in the
Labor Force (Cambridge, mass.: MIT Press, 1980).

(3) James S. Cunningham and Nadja Zalokar, "Racial Differences in
the Labor Force Participation of Wives and the Variability of Other
Family Income: Evidence from the SIPP." Paper presented at the
annual meetings of the American Economic Association, New York,
N.Y., 1988.

(4) Goldin, "Female Labor Force Participation," argues that black
women's higher labor force participation rates may stem from the
historical legacy of slavery and its effects on black women's
expectations abotu work. Woodman, "Comment," however, is crticial
of Goldin's interpretation of the census data.

(5) See tables 2.11 and 2.12.

(6) See Ronald G. Ehrenberg, "The Demographic Structure of
Unemployment Rates and Labor Market Transition Probabilties,"
Research in Labor Economics, vols. 3 (1980), pp. 241-93.