This file was prepared for electronic distribution by the inforM staff. Questions or comments should be directed to inform-editor@umail.umd.edu. Congressional Caucus for Women's Issues 2471 Rayburn Building Washington, D.C. 20515 202-225-6740 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN October 1992 In recent years, American women have been the targeted victims of a rising tide of violence both in the streets and in their own homes. Police, hospital emergency rooms, rape crisis centers, and battered women's shelters have recorded an increasing incidence of rape, sexual assault and domestic violence against women in the United States. The violence cuts across race, class, age, and religious boundaries. The only similarity these victims have is their sex: they are all women. * Three out of four women will be victims of a violent crime during their lifetime. (Senate Judiciary Committee, 1990). * Since 1974, assaults against young women age twenty to twenty-four have risen 50%, while assaults against young men in the same age group have dropped 12%. (Senate Judiciary Committee, 1990). RAPE Rape and sexual assault touch the lives of all American women. The high rate of rape makes rape a devastating fact of life for millions of women. Even those women who are not victims are affected much as travelers are affected by terrorist activities; all live with the fear of an attack, and the restriction in freedom such fear brings. Their anxiety is justified by hard statistics on the widespread and growing prevalence of violent sexual crimes. * One in three women will be a victim of rape during her lifetime. ("Sexual Assault is Everyone's Problem." D.C. Rape Crisis Center, 1990). * Every hour, 16 women confront rapists; every six minutes a woman is raped. (Uniform Crime Report, 1989; National Crime Survey, 1989). * Over the past decade, the rape rate has risen four times as fast as the total crime rate. (U.S. Crime Report, 1989). * A woman is 20 times more likely to be raped in the United States than in Japan; the U.S. rape rate is 13 times higher than Great Britain's and four times higher than Germany's. (U.S. Department of Justice, 1988). Unlike other crimes, such as robbery, rape and other forms of sexual assault are crimes against women based on the fact that they are women. Eighty-nine percent of all sex crime victims over the age of 12 are women. ("Female Victims of Violent Crime", Table 13, U.S. Bureau of Justice, 1991). In the past, rape was regarded merely as an act of sexuality. Later, experts refuted that argument and maintained that rape was an act of aggression where the perpetrator was motivated by a desire to dominate, control and degrade a victim. Today most people who work in the field of violent sexual crime assert that it is a combination of the two. One working definition of rape is the "sexual expression of aggression." Rape and the Courts Despite the high incidence of rape, few perpetrators are ever arrested, much less convicted. * Less than 40% of reported rapes result in arrest. (Senate Judiciary Committee, 1990). * Rape rates increased 5.3% from 1983-1988, while arrest rates for rape increased only 3%.(National Crime Survey, 1989). * The conviction rate for rape is only 3%, compared to the conviction rate for robbery, which is 18%. (U.S. Bureau of Justice, 1990). Traditional perceptions of women and sexuality mean that many rape survivors are victims twice: once during the crime and again in the courts. The burden of proof placed on rape victims is exceptionally high. Rape victims are subject to demeaning examinations of their personal life, attire and previous sexual history in order to establish that they did not consent to the act. Rape victims often report feeling humiliated, accused and alienated from the very system that is supposed to help them. Police, judges, juries, and defense and prosecuting attorneys alike are susceptible to traditional views of sexual activity and gender which obstruct justice for rape victims. The NOW Legal Defense and Education Fund cites instances where judges dismissed rape cases or granted a light sentence because they found the defendant handsome or thought the victim "ended up enjoying [herself]." ("Statement to the Senate Judiciary Committee," June 20, 1990). Other examples of mistreatment by criminal justice officials reveal that the very system that is supposed to help rape victims does just the opposite. One study found that in several cases the police officer who first reponed to the scene of a rape actually took advantage of the victim's vulnerable situation to sexually assault her. ("Testimony Before the House Select Committee on Children, Youth and Families," Gail Wyatt, 1990). The Effects of Rape Although not all rape victims sustain serious physical injures, for most, the experience of rape carries with it long-term psychological wounds. * One study found that victims of rape were 8.7 times as likely as non-victims to have attempted suicide and twice as likely to experience major depression. ("Testimony Before the House Select Committee on Children, Youth and Families," Dean Kilpatrick, Ph.D., 1990). * A National Institute on Drug Abuse survey estimated that one-third of all rape victims developed Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder. (Testimony of Dean Kilpatrick, 1990). * More than 40% of college women who have been raped carry the devastating psychological expectation of becoming rape victims again. (Senate Judiciary Committee, 1990). The effect of these crimes against women extend to women who are not victims. Many of women's daily activities -- such as jogging in a park or working late at night -- are restricted due to the fear of an attack. Over the past decade, the fear of contracting AIDS has increasingly become a major issue for rape survivors. In urban areas, a large number of assailants are intravenous drug users or prison parolees, causing many victims anxiety about possible exposure to AIDS. In at least one recent case, a convicted rapist was given a reduced sentence in exchange for taking an AIDS test. Some experts believe that accused rapists will take advantage of women's fear of AIDS in order to receive more lenient treatment. Acquaintance Rape There is a myth about rape in our society -- one in which a woman is pulled into the bushes by a complete stranger and brutally attacked. Although this is tragically true for some rape victims, the overwhelming majority of rapes are acquaintance rapes -- those committed by persons known to the victim before the crime. * 60% to 80% of rapes are date or acquaintance rape. (House Select Committee on Children, Youth and Families, 1990). * An estimated one in seven married women will be raped by their husbands. (House Select Committee on Children, Youth and Families, 1990). Victims of acquaintance rape face a unique set of difficulties following their attack. One study found that acquaintance rape victims blame themselves more and rate themselves as less recovered than victims of stranger rape for up to three years after the rape. (House Select Committee on Children, Youth and Families, 1990). This self-blame, along with peer pressure, threats by the perpetrator, disbelief and shock, and -- in the case of rape by a family member -- feelings of family loyalty contribute to the low reporting rate for victims of acquaintance rape. A victim may find her sense of trust in friendship destroyed, as well as her own sense of judgement. As a result, many victims of acquaintance rape report the crime months or even years later, or not at all. In the courts, acquaintance rape victims are subjected to a higher burden of proof and are more likely to have their private life scrutinized by the defense than victims of stranger rape. A perceived "hazy" line between consent and force often makes such cases difficult to prove. In general, convictions are much more difficult to obtain in the case of acquaintance rape. Underreporting The reporting rate for rape is very low. Only 34% of stranger rapes and 13% of acquaintance rapes are reported to authorities compared to the reporting rates for robbery (53%), assault (46%) and burglary (52%). (Koss, Woodruff, Koss, 1990). In addition to posing a problem for statisticians attempting to assess the need for rape services, underreporting means that many rape victims are going without help and perpetrators are not being treated and punished. Many women do not report a rape because they do not think that what happened could be considered a crime, especially if the victim knew her attacker. Another major factor in the non-reporting of rape is distrust of the efficacy of the legal system -- either that the victim will not be believed or that nothing will be done in the courts. Other reasons for not reporting a rape include feelings of shame and embarrassment, fear for one's safety and concern over the reactions of others. Those women who do report rapes often take a long time to do so. One rape crisis center reported that 28% of adult victims who reported the crime to the center did so within one week, while 68% of those who reported the crime to the center waited up to three years to make the report. (Anne Arundel County Sexual Assault Crisis Center, 1989). Victims who wait before reporting a rape are sometimes penalized by statutes of limitation and victim compensation programs that require victims to report soon after the crime to receive services. CAMPUS ASSAULT The incidence of acquaintance rape, and subsequent underreporting, is especially prevalent on college campuses. * One in seven college women will be raped before they graduate, and 90% will know their attacker (Senate Judiciary Committee, 1990). * One out of twelve college men in a 1988 study admitted that they committed acts that meet the legal definition of rape or attempted rape, but only 1% of them consider the behavior criminal in nature (University of Florida, 1988). * One study of college rape victims revealed that 10.6% were raped by strangers, 24.9% by non-romantic acquaintances, 21% by casual dates, 30% by steady dates and 8.9% by family members. (House Select Committee on Children, Youth and Families, 1990). Demographically, college women are most vulnerable to acquaintance rape. In three-quarters of assaults by acquaintances, victims are 15-24 years of age (Ms., 9/82, p.50). Women of college age tend to be more at risk emotionally, since they are away from home for the first time and their social circles expand rapidly. College men a]so face insecurity during this transition, and may seek self-confidence through forced sexual activity ("Campus Gang Rape," Julia Ehrhart, 1982). Alcohol and drugs often contribute to the occurrence of campus sexual assault. Where alcohol is the only beverage served at parties, peer pressure to drink can promote its mood-altering effects. Besides reducing a man's inhibitions, these substances weaken a woman's ability to assess a potentially dangerous situation. Cases where alcohol or drugs are involved make prosecution even more difficult, as these substances not only diminish a woman's memory or perception of the attack, but make others see her as a "willing" participant. The fraternity system on campuses, often a source of alcohol, has also been identified as a contributor to sexual assault, especially in the instance of gang rape. Since 1983, 119 campus gang rapes have been reported, though the number is probably higher (United States Student Association, 1992). In such cases, attackers are empowered by fraternity brothers, who pressure one another in an act of "brotherhood" (Ehrhart, 1982). Rape is the most underreported crime on college campuses. One study showed that only 10% of victims actually reported the incident (USA Today, 6/11/91). Few schools have advocates to help victims prosecute, and many students may be unaware of their legal rights. Of those cases reported, only 19.7% resulted in criminal penalties in 1989-90, and only 38.8% resulted in campus penalties (USA Today, 6/11/91). Those who report assaults to campus judicial boards often face panels of faculty or students who may be unqualified to render a fair judgement. DOMESTIC VIOLENCE Domestic violence is defined as serious or repeated injury caused by a person who has family ties or a sexual relationship with the victim. Perpetrators use or threaten the use of physical or sexual assault to dominate, hurt, degrade and gain control over the victim. (Family Violence: An Overview, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 1991). Public awareness concerning domestic violence has increased due to studies that prove violent behavior can be passed on from parents to children and with the recognition that legal, psychological, and emotional assistance for victims is inadequate. More recently, national attention has focused on the plight of victims who fight back against perpetrators of domestic violence. Despite the increased public awareness, however, domestic violence continues to be widespread. * An estimated 3 to 4 million American women are battered each year by their husbands or partners. (Surgeon General C. Everett Koop, 1989). * Violence will occur at least once in two-thirds of all marriages. (The Abusive Partner, M. Stark, 1982). * In the United States, a woman is more likely to be assaulted, injured, raped, or killed by a male partner than any other assailant. ("Resource Availability for Women at Risk," A. Browne and K.R. Williams, 1987). * 95% of the victims of domestic violence are women. ("Report to the Nation on Crime and Justice," Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1983). When males are victims of domestic violence, it is often the result of women attempting to protect themselves from male-initiated abuse. (Intimate Violence, R. Gelles and M. Straus, 1988). Many people feel safest when they are in their home, but for victims of domestic violence, the home is often the most dangerous place of all. An estimated 2,000 to 4,000 women are beaten to death each year. While not all incidents are this severe, abuse often leaves women fearing for their lives. * Each year more than one million women seek medical assistance for injuries caused by battering. ("Medical Therapy as Repression," E. Stark and A. Filtcraft, 1982). * Research suggests that wife-beating results in more injuries that require medical treatment than rape, auto accidents, and muggings combined. ("Violence Among Intimates," E. Stark and A. Filtcraft, 1987). * Between 22-35% of women who visit emergency rooms are there because of symptoms related to ongoing abuse. (Journal of the American Medical Association. 1990). * 54% of victims of domestic violence sustain injury, compared to 27% injured in cases of assault by non-intimates. ("Female Victims of Violent Crime,~ Department of Justice, 1991). Because the severity of violence is so great, domestic violence victims must face not only the physical and emotional pain of abuse, but also the financial burden of medical and psychological treatment. Moreover, domestic violence is rarely just an "isolated incident." Often there is a cycle of escalating violence in which attacks increase in frequency and intensity. Violent husbands and partners have learned that increasing the level of violence increases their domination and control over women. * The average battered woman is attacked three times each year. (Intimate Violence, R. Gelles and M. Straus, 1988). * During a six month time period following an incident of domestic violence, approximately 32% of the women were victimized again. ("National Crime Survey," 1983). * In 1986, 30% of female homicide victims were killed by their husbands or boyfriends. (Uniform Crime Reports, FBI, 1987); in contrast, 6% of male homicide victims are killed by their female partners. ("Crime in the United States," 1982). The Justice System's Response Domestic violence often goes unreported, in large part because the incident is seen as a private and personal issue (49%) or because of the fear of a reprisal or repeated attack by the assailant (12%). ("Preventing Domestic Violence Against Women," Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1986). However, when women do reach out for help, particularly from the criminal justice system, they frequently find that the system fails to offer the help they need. Research indicates that current laws concerning domestic violence are too lenient, creating the illusion that domestic violence is not a serious offense. * Arrest is the least frequently used response to domestic violence. In 1990, only 110 cities had domestic violence intervention programs requiring mandatory arrest. ("Testimony before Senate Labor and Human Resources Subcommittee on Children, Family, Drugs and Alcoholism," Police Chief Eli Miletich, 1990). * Approximately two-thirds of reported domestic violence incidents are classified as "simple assaults," which is a misdemeanor. But as many as 50% of these "simple assaults" were as serious or more serious than 90% of all rapes, robberies, and aggravated assaults in terms of physical injury. ("Preventing Domestic Violence Against Women," 1986). * A Police Foundation study conducted in Detroit and Kansas City found that in 85 % to 90% of domestic homicides, police had been called at least once in the two years preceding the murder; in more than half of these cases, they had been called five times or more. ("Understanding Domestic Violence," National Woman Abuse Prevention Project, 1988). Even when arrests are made, the rate of conviction in domestic violence cases remains low. This low rate can be tied in part to the actions of prosecutors who frequently discourage victims from going forward with cases, place low priority on domestic violence cases, fail to consider the safety of the victim when releasing offenders, and go as far as dismissing domestic violence misdemeanor cases. ("Understanding Domestic Violence," 1988). The criminal justice system is not the only source that fails domestic violence victims. Many women in violent relationships unsuccessfully try to stop the violence by seeking assistance from sources including lawyers, health care personnel, family members, and the clergy. A study of more than 6,000 battered women in Texas found that, on average, women had contacted five different sources of help prior to leaving the home and becoming residents of battered women's shelters. ("Understanding Domestic Violence," 1988). Leaving Violent Relationships The lack of assistance for battered women reflects the common misconception concerning who carries the blame for domestic violence. The first question many people ask when they hear of incidents of domestic violence is, "Why does she stay," in effect blaming the woman for tolerating the violent relationship. Not only does this question remove the blame from the abuser, it ignores the reality most battered women face. Over 50% of women leave abusive relationships; however, the decision to leave an abusive relationship is not simple. Battered women who leave their homes are frequently threatened by increased violence or even death. Women who leave must also face loss of their shelter and much of their income. Abused mothers have special concerns for their children because in choosing to leave, they risk increased violence against their children or the possibility of losing custody of their children. * Only ten states and the District of Columbia have laws requiring that evidence of spouse abuse create a presumption that children should not be placed in the custody of an abusive parent. Even though experts agree that spouse abuse is one of the leading indicators of child abuse and neglect, many abusive spouses continue to receive custody of the children. ("Testimony to the House Subcommittee on Administrative Law and Governmental Relations," Evan Stark, Ph.D, 1990). * In 1987, 375,000 women and children were served by shelters and safe-houses. While significant, this number represents only a fraction of those seeking help. Due to lack of space, shelters turn away nearly 40% of all those who need help. (National Coalition Against Domestic Violence, 1988). * In the first year after divorce, a woman's standard of living drops by 73%, while a man's improves an average of 42%. ("Understanding Domestic Violence," 1988). * Only 58% of custodial mothers are awarded child support. And of these, barely one half receive the full amount; one quarter receive a partial amount; and one quarter receive none of the required payment. ("Understanding Domestic Violence," 1988). Public Awareness and Assistance In the mid-70's, programs to help women escape from abusive environments began to appear. Today, there are over 1400 battered women's hotlines, shelters and safe-homes nationwide that provide women with a safe environment allowing them to make decisions about their future. With these programs, women are given the opportunity to speak openly about their problems and to discover that there is a commonality of experience among battered women. Today, when women feel that they have so little recourse from other community and civil sources, special programs such as shelters are a necessity. Not only do they provide crisis intervention services, including legal, economic, housing and medical advocacy, the shelters also provide education to the community and training for law enforcement officers and other professionals dealing with domestic violence. Unfortunately, the shelter and safe-house programs are greatly underfunded. Although between the years 1983 and 1987 the number of women served by shelters and safe-houses increased 100% and the number of children served increased by 60%, approximately 250,000 women are turned away each year. * Over one half of all counties in the United States have no battered women's programs. ("Testimony before the Senate Subcommittee on Children, Families, Drugs, and Alcoholism," Jann Jackson, 1990). * There are nearly three times as many animal shelters in the United States as there are battered women shelters (Senate Judiciary Committee, 1990). Battered Women Who Kill The persistent misconceptions about domestic violence and the difficulty in leaving abusive relationships also harm women who strike back against batterers. Women who assault or kill abusive partners often believe their lives or the lives of their children are in immediate danger; they are acting in self-defense. Judges and juries generally disagree, however, often holding onto the erroneous belief that battered women have ample opportunities to leave their homes and their battering partners. This misconception may lead judges and juries to believe that the women are willing participants in the violent relationship. (Justifiable Homicide: Battered Women, Self-Defence and the Law, Dorothy Gillespie, 1989). Until recently, many courts have refused to admit evidence of spouse abuse in domestic violence cases, despite the fact that it may help a jury understand the complex psychological, physical, and societal factors that went into a battered woman's belief that her life was in danger. In response to pleas from Members of Congress, women's organizations, and incarcerated battered women whose cases were judged without allowing evidence of the effect of severe abuse, governors in both Ohio and Maryland have released several women who killed their abusive partners. ("Ohio Gov. Celeste Grants Clemency to 25 Female Inmates," Washington Post, Dec. 22, 1990; "Schaefer Swayed by Activists," Washington Post, Feb. 22, 1991). Although some states are moving to pass legislation that would allow battered women more flexibility in presenting their cases as self- defense, most states continue to allow judges to exclude evidence of domestic violence. EXISTING FEDERAL PROGRAMS ON VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN Federal programs to address violent crimes against women have been extremely limited, both in scope and funding. As with most crimes, rape and domestic violence fall primarily under the purview of states and localities. However, the federal government has only a few, small programs to assist states in helping female violence victims. Family Violence Prevention and Services Act The Family Violence Prevention and Services Act of 1984, administered by the Department of Health and Human Services, provides grants to states to establish, maintain and expand shelters, child care programs, counseling and related services to domestic violence victims and their dependents. The law also allocates funds for training and technical assistance to law enforcement agencies, authorizes a National Clearinghouse on Family Violence Prevention, and provides grants for family violence research and other related activities. Eighty-five percent of the money is used for state-run domestic violence programs, 60 % of which is earmarked for immediate shelter-related assistance. For fiscal year 1993, Congress has appropriated $24.8 million for this program, a nearly $5 million increase over FY 1992. Victims of Crime Act (VOCA) The Victims of Crime Act of 1984 (VOCA) authorizes annual grants to states from a crime victims' fund to compensate and to assist victims. The fund is made up of fines collected from persons convicted of certain federal offenses. However, spending under the bill is limited by law to $150 million. Priority in the awarding of crime victim assistance grants is given to programs serving victims of domestic violence, sexual assault, and child abuse. This language was included in the law to acknowledge the special needs of these victim populations. VOCA authorizes four programs to assist crime victims. The first provides funds to crime victim assistance programs, including rape crisis programs and battered women's shelters, as well as law enforcement- based crisis intervention. Just over 44% of VOCA funds go to these programs. The second initiative, the crime victims' compensation program, provides individual compensation, such as reimbursement for mental health counseling, medical expenses, lost wages, or funeral expenses. On average, about 45% of VOCA funds are used for the crime victims' compensation program. The federal government reimburses states for up to 40% of what they spend on crime victim compensation programs. The two other programs authorized under this law are considerably smaller. One provides funds to assist victims of crimes committed on federal property, such as prisons, while the other assists child abuse and child sexual abuse programs through the Children's Justice Act. The VOCA funded programs are significant since prior to the enactment of VOCA, sex crime victims had no recourse but to pay their own medical and mental health counseling expenses. With VOCA, these funds represent a new resource for victims who might not otherwise have funds to seek needed services. (U.S. Department of Justice, 1990). Office For Victims of Crime The Office for Victims of Crime (OVC), established by the Justice Department in 1983, has supported training programs for law enforcement officers, prosecutors, the clergy, medical, mental health and victim assistance professionals -- all of whom come into contact with victims of crime. Among the office's programs are sexual assault and abuse programs, whose activities have included the development of a model sexual assault medical examination protocol standardizing procedures for hospital personnel in the examination, collection and presentation of physical evidence from victims of sexual assault. The demonstration project has been duplicated in 14 states. In addition, the OVC joined with the Bureau of Justice Assistance to support a sexual assault prevention training program in which the 50 state leaders of the General Federation of Women's Clubs received training from the FBI on sexual assault, response to victims and prevention. (U.S. Department of Justice, June 1990). The Omnibus Crime Control Act of 1990 As part of the Omnibus Crime Control Act of 1990, Congress required all colleges and universities receiving funds to disclose to students the institution's campus crime statistics on an annual basis. Starting in September 1992, colleges and universities must report the number of serious crimes, including rape, murder, and robber,v, involving students on or near campus. Congress included a provision, to be enacted within two years, which mandates that states receiving Drug Control and System Improvement Formula Grants require convicted sex offenders to undergo AIDS testing at the request of their victims. The provision also requires states to provide counseling for sexual assault victims. About 30 states have already enacted AIDS-testing laws for sex offenders, some more stringent than the federal requirement. Immigration Reform for Battered Spouses On October 27, 1990, Congress approved as part of the Immigration Act of 1990 a provision initially introduced by Rep. Louise Slaughter to waive the two-year period of "conditional" residency for foreigners in abusive marriages with American citizens. Foreign nationals who are married to American citizens are required to remain married to their spouses for two years before being granted residency status. Until the enactment of this legislation, those foreigners in abusive marriages were unable to leave without the risk of deportation. Sense of Congress Resolution on Domestic Violence In October 1990, Congress passed a resolution introduced by Rep. Constance Morella expressing the sense of Congress that evidence of spouse abuse should create a statutory presumption that it is detrimental to the child to be placed in the custody of the abusive parent. Only 10 states and the District of Columbia have such laws. While the congressional resolution does not require states to enact similar laws, it may encourage them to do so. Other Programs Other federal assistance is available in smaller amounts through such programs as the Social Services Block Grant, which distributes grants to states to provide an array of social services, including domestic violence counseling, the Community Services Block Grant, which funds state anti-poverty programs, and the Preventive Health Services Block Grant, which includes a small set-aside for rape counseling programs. The Legal Services Corporation also provides assistance to victims of domestic violence through its National Center for Women and Family Law. CONGRESSIONAL ACTION IN THE 102ND CONGRESS Violence Against Women Act of 1991 (H.R. 1502/S. 15) The Violence Against Women Act of 1991 (H.R. 1502/S. 15), introduced by Rep. Barbara Boxer and Sen. Joseph Biden, has five broad goals: to make the streets safe for women, to create safe homes for women, to extend civil rights protection to victims of gender-motivated crimes, to ensure women's safety on college campuses, and to educate judges and prosecutors on violence against women. This bill, which is the first to deal with violence against women in a comprehensive manner at the federal level, was unanimously approved by the Senate Judiciary Committee on July 18, 1991, and by the House Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime and Criminal Justice on September 23, 1992. H.R. 1502/S. 15 attempts to curb violence against women by authorizing funds for better law enforcement and increased lighting in areas where women are most endangered. The bill would also require and expand victim restitution in sex crime cases. In the area of domestic violence, the bill would create interstate enforcement of state protective orders for battered women, triple funding for battered women's shelters, and provide federal grants to encourage states to employ mandatory arrest procedures against abusive spouses and partners. Under the legislation, sex crimes would be designated as "hate" crimes that deprive victims of their civil rights. H.R. 1502/S. 15 would extend to victims of gender-motivated assaults the same right to sue for compensatory and punitive damages as is already granted to minorities for crimes based on race. However, the House Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime and Criminal Justice stripped out this provision prior to approving the bill. Endeavoring to ensure safe campuses for women, H.R. 1502/S. 15 would authorize funds for rape prevention programs and services at the neediest colleges. Campus security would be strengthened by requiring that colleges report all forms of sexual assault. Grantee colleges would be required to include sexual assault as a violation of student disciplinary codes and to inform rape victims of disciplinary action taken against their attackers. H.R. 1502/S. 15 attempts to improve the treatment of female crime victims in the criminal justice system by providing grants to train the police and prosecutors in handling crimes against women, as well as to establish special units of prosecutors, police, and victim advocates for sex-based assault and domestic violence cases. The two bills differ in that S. 15 would increase federal penalties for sex offenders, while H.R. 1502 requires mandatory treatment for federal sex offenders. In addition, S. 15 has a provision to create school- based programs to teach children about domestic violence and would require states to establish commissions to study domestic violence. S. 15 would also authorize a national media campaign against such violence. H.R. 1502, however, authorizes $70 million for rape prevention and education while the Senate bill authorizes $65 million. Family Violence Prevention and Services Act Reauthorization Congress substantially increased authorized funding for the Family Violence Prevention and Services program to $60 million. Included in this authorization is $8 million earmarked for grants to fund state domestic violence coalitions. These groups, consisting of women and child advocates, shelter workers, and health, legal, and law enforcement representatives, will work with the states to develop domestic violence prevention and treatment policies. The coalitions would also conduct public education campaigns on domestic violence. The bill reauthorizing the family violence program was signed into law on May 28, 1992. Higher Education Act Legislation reauthorizing the Higher Education Act was signed into law on July 24, 1992. The bill incorporates provisions of Title IV of the Violence Against Women Act, which addresses campus-based violence, including the authorization of $10 million for campus rape education and prevention workshops. The Higher Education Act also incorporates the Campus Sexual Assault Victims' Bill of Rights (H.R. 2077), legislation requiring campuses to have sexual assault policies that protect survivors rights. The bill requires these policies to include: a description of education programs to promote rape awareness, procedures to be followed once a sex offense has occurred, counseling to students on the option to notify law enforcement authorities, and notification to students of existing counseling services and options for changing academic and living situations. The bill also includes a technical change in the Student Right to Know Act that expands the definition of rape to include the broader crime of sexual assault. The Battered Women's Testimony/Child Custody (H.R. 1252/H.R. 1253) H.R. 1252 and H.R. 1253, introduced by Rep. Constance Morella, were approved by Congress on October 7, 1992. H.R. 1252 would authorize a study to determine the medical and psychological basis of "battered women's syndrome" and the admissibility of such evidence in a criminal trial where an abused woman is accused of assaulting or murdering her abuser. The measure would also authorize the development of judicial training materials and would assist indigent battered women defendants in receiving the benefit of expert testimony on the effects of domestic violence. H.R. 1253 would authorize $600,000 to investigate state judicial decisions relating to child custody litigation involving domestic violence and to develop training programs to better educate state judges about child custody litigation involving domestic violence. House Concurrent Resolution on Expert Testimony and Battered Women (H.Con.Res. 89) H.Con.Res. 89, introduced by Rep. Constance Morella, would express the sense of Congress that the nature and effect of domestic violence, including descriptions of the experiences of battered women, should be admissible when offered in a State court by a defendant in a criminal case. The House approved the legislation on October 3, 1992; however, the Senate did not act on the legislation. Anti-Stalking Amendment Congress approved an amendment, authored by Rep. Nancy Pelosi, that directs the National Institute of Justice to develop a model anti-stalking law that would serve as a constitutional and enforceable framework for states to adopt. The bill also requires the Attorney General to report to Congress within a year on additional federal action needed to combat stalking. The measure was approved as part of the fiscal year 1993 Commerce, State, Justice Appropriations bill, signed into law on October 6, 1992. Battered Immigrant Women The House Judiciary Committee approved a measure, introduced by Rep. Louise Slaughter, to permit alien spouses to file for conditional residency status themselves. The bill, H.R. 5693, protects immigrant women married to U.S. citizens or legal residents from relying on their abuser to file for residency. Preventive Health Services Block Grant Congress on October 7, 1992, cleared for the President legislation reauthorizing the Preventive Health Services Block Grant, which includes a small set-aside for rape crisis counseling programs. The bill would double this set-aside from $3.5 million to $7 million. Women's Equal Opportunity Act of 1991 (H.R. 1149/S. 472) Introduced by Rep. Susan Molinari and Sen. Robert Dole, the Women's Equal Opportunity Act of 1991 includes a title that provides for the disclosure of campus crime, funding for rape prevention education and domestic violence awareness, increased penalties for repeat sex offenders, mandatory HIV testing of offenders, and mandatory restitution to victims of sexual assault. This legislation also calls for the creation of an Attorney General's Task Force on Violence Against Women, and procedural reforms in federal sexual assault cases that include admitting evidence of a defendant's past acts of sexual assault in criminal and civil actions. Portions of this legislation were included by the House Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime and Criminal Justice when it approved the Violence Against Women Act, and in the Higher Education Act Reauthorization, signed into law on July 24, 1992.