This file was prepared for electronic distribution by the inforM staff. Questions or comments should be directed to inform-editor@umail.umd.edu. INTRODUCTION Over the past two decades, there has been a significant growth in the number of women employed by the Federal Government. The percentage of white-collar, executive branch jobs held by women grew from 41 percent in 1974 to 48 percent in 1990. The importance of women in the Federal workforce will continue to grow. The US. Department of Labor's Bureau of Labor Statistics projects that the number of women in the national workforce will increase by 26 percent between 1990 and 2005[1] and women's representation in the Federal workforce has been increasing at a faster rate than their representation in the national workforce. But while women now comprise nearly half of the Federal white-collar workforce, their distribution by grade level and occupation remains disproportionate. Although the numbers of women in midlevel and upper level jobs are increasing, women continue to hold almost two-thirds of lower graded jobs (GS 1-8). While women hold more of the Government's Professional and Administrative jobs than ever before, they also continue to hold 86 percent of the nearly 300,000 Clerical jobs. More importantly, women are only one- quarter of the Government's supervisors and only 11 percent of its senior executives. The relatively small numbers of women in midlevel and upper level jobs in the Government are a concern for a number of reasons. In 1978, the Civil Service Reform Act (CSRA) set as a standard the recruitment of a representative workforce--an objective which, given the extremely low percentages of women in highlevel jobs, the Government almost certainly is not meeting. A perception on the part of a group of citizens that they do not have equal access to jobs which affect the development and implementation of policy can damage the credibility of the Government in the eyes of those citizens. Furthermore, if women are being denied the opportunity for advancement in the Federal Civil Service, the Government is underutilizing the potential skins of a significant portion of its workforce. Of course, all of these concerns also apply to minorities, who appear to be underrepresented in midlevel and upper level jobs, as well. That is the subject of another MSPB report, to be released in 1993. Determining the reason for the apparent underrepresentation of women in higher graded jobs and their overrepresentation in lower grades and lower graded occupations is a complex task. Should the maldistribution be attributed to illegal discrimination based on sex, or to women not choosing to take the steps required to advance in the Federal Civil Service system? Have women not progressed as far as men because they have fewer years of Government service and less formal education, or are less committed to a career than their male colleagues? Or are there externally imposed barriers that block the advancement of women into supervisory and management levels? These are the questions that this study was designed to answer. Prior Research Several studies have examined the issue of whether women have the same opportunities as men for advancement into management positions in the public and private sectors. Some of these studies have indicated that the issue is not one of overt discrimination, but that women face real, yet very subtle barriers that men do not. Several years ago, the term "glass ceiling" was coined to describe these barriers; women can see their way to the top of the career ladder, but bump into an invisible barricade when they try to make the climb. Outside the Federal Government. In September of 1988, the (Canadian Public Service Commission established the Task Force on Barriers to Women in the Public Service to analyze the poor representation of women in the senior ranks of the Canadian civil service. The comprehensive analysis by the task force, completed in 1990, identified policies and practices that were having an adverse impact on women and their opportunities for advancement. The task force also determined that the nature of the barriers a woman encounters and the extent to which these barriers are a factor varies depending on the type of work she does. But, the report concluded, "It is clear, however, that the most significant barriers derive from attitudes."[2] These attitudes include stereotyping of women and "their place" in the public service, skepticism about their abilities, and a tendency on the part of women to underreport their own accomplishments.[3] In August of 1991, the US. Department of Labor released the results of its pilot study of the recruitment and promotion practices of nine Fortune 500 companies. The study indicated that women and minorities are not getting to the top in the corporate world because of informal policies and practices which have the inadvertent effect of excluding them from consideration for top-level jobs. Furthermore, the report said that practices which have the effect of reducing the promotion potential of women and minorities begin early in their careers. For example, women and minorities are more often steered into staff rather than line positions when line positions are those which provide the "fast track" to the top.[4] The Federal Civil Service. Providing a "Federal work force reflective of the Nation's diversity" became the official policy of the United States with the passage of the Civil Service Reform Act in 1978. The act also called for eliminating the underrepresentation of women and minorities in all occupations and at all grade levels in the Federal Government.[5] The issue of whether these objectives have been reached, and if not, why not, has been the subject of several studies since that time. Some of the studies have analyzed differences in promotion rates between men and women using data from the Central Personnel Data File (CPDF) maintained by the Office of Personnel Management (OPM). One such study concluded that the number of women employed in grades GS 9-12 had remained largely unchanged since passage of the CSRA, but there had been a significant increase in the number of women employed in grades GS/ GM 13-15.[6] Another researcher concluded that, for the most part, the scarcity of women in upper level jobs could be attributed to their having less formal education and fewer years of Government service and being concentrated in lower graded occupations than men.[7] Although there was a gap between the grades of men and women with the same amount of formal education, the gap had declined during the 1970's.[8] However, an analysis of the increase in employment of women since 1978 in grades GS/GM 13 and above shows that if the rate of increase was unchanged, it would take 45 years for women to be fully represented in those grades.[9] The US. General Accounting Office (GAO) has also examined the effectiveness of affirmative employment policies, in response to requests from Members of Congress. Over the last several years, GAO has issued a number of reports concerning the underrepresentation of women and minorities in specific agencies. More recently, its Governmentwide analysis identified weaknesses in the oversight of Federal agency affirmative action programs performed by the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC). Complicating analysis of whether women are fully represented in a particular occupation or specific grade level is the issue of what constitutes "full representation." Is it fair to say that since women are nearly half of the workforce, they should make up half of senior managers? What if there are not sufficient numbers of women qualified to be senior managers? One of the tasks GAO undertook was to find an adequate benchmark by which to measure representation. The EEOC requires Federal agencies to compare representation of women and minorities in their own workforces to decennial census data regarding where women and minorities are employed in the nationwide civilian workforce. But GAO noted in its testimony to Congress in October 1991 that different ways of measuring representation in the comparable civilian labor force can produce different representation indexes. For example, using 1980 census data based on broad occupational categories shows that white women are severely underrepresented as criminal investigators in the Department of Justice, while 1980 census-based, occupation-specific data showed women as fully represented as criminal investigators at the same department.[10] In other words, there is no one way to adequately and uniformly determine whether the representation of women at upper grade levels or in specific occupations is as it should be. Despite these limitations, however, GAO agreed with a statement by the then director of OPM, Constance Newman, who said, "*** the percentages of women and minorities in the [senior executive service] and the pipeline to the SES are unacceptable."[11] Focusing on the Barriers Rather than enter the debate as to what the percentage of women in upper grades should be, we chose to focus on whether there are barriers confronting women who are trying to advance in the Government. Prior research has indicated that these barriers exist and that they can be complex and varied, ranging from differences in qualifications such as education and experience to subtle attitudes, stereotypes and expectations. Our study was designed to examine the range of possible barriers in an effort to identify those which most restrict the advancement of women in the Federal civil service.